The b2o Review is a non-peer reviewed publication, published and edited by the boundary 2 editorial collective and specific topic editors, featuring book reviews, interventions, videos, and collaborative projects.  

  • Peter Makhlouf–The Anxiety of Inflation (On Ben Lerner’s The Lights)

    Peter Makhlouf–The Anxiety of Inflation (On Ben Lerner’s The Lights)

    This article was published as part of the b2o review‘s “Finance and Fiction” dossier.

    The Anxiety of Inflation (On Ben Lerner’s The Lights)

    Peter Makhlouf

    “Then he was aware of moving at an impossibly smooth rate, and there was the Brooklyn Bridge, cablework sparkling, Liza was cursing at the little touch-screen television in the taxi, which she couldn’t seem to turn off, and he reached out a hand to help her and experienced contact with the glass as a marvel, like encountering solidified, sensate air.”

    —Ben Lerner, 10:04

    Again the traffic lights that skim thy swift

    Unfractioned idiom, immaculate sigh of stars,

    Beading thy path—condense eternity[i]

    Hart Crane’s inspired dedication to Brooklyn Bridge revisits ancient paradigms of influence. Originating as a late antique astrological concept, influence or influentia, as it was known, named the astral flux emitted from heavenly bodies. This starry stuff formed the material substrate for an otherwise immaterial soul. The common substance of star and soul underwrote the belief that stars exercise an outsized “influence” on our earthly fate, particularly our poetic faculty (or lack thereof).  Crane’s invocation transmembers[ii] the astral idiom of the ancients: the influxus stellarum (“starry flux”) filling the soul of the poet becomes the artificial lights sweeping across the bridge’s steeled thews. Modern tectonic feats become a well of inspiration for modern American poetry.

    According to this ancient doctrine, starry influentia shapes both our productive and reproductive capacities, both creation and procreation. The formative thrust of influence is thus bound to the projection of futures plastic and possible or fated and foregone. In newspaper columns, among the blogosphere exegetes of the zodiac, this ancient doctrine persists into our culture today—but transformed. Witness the determinist lore that populates modern astrological occultism, which so infuriated Theodor Adorno at mid-century.[iii] Adorno detected in Americans’ starry-eyed fascination with astrology a displacement of the fatal sense of helplessness incited by capitalism and its unfettered technological domination.

    Inlayed in the ocean floor beneath the Brooklyn Bridge is one of North America’s densest concentrations of fiber optic cables.[iv] The proliferation of these vast undersea networks in the last half century has been driven by the exigencies of high-volume, high-frequency trading.[v] Beginning in the 1980s, telecommunications companies carried out Promethean feats of engineering in order to outfit Lower Manhattan with one of the globe’s most sophisticated infrastructures for lightspeed internet connection. The Brooklyn Bridge is just “[d]own Wall [St. -PM],” Crane reminds us in his invocation, and financial markets have served as the engine driving continued private investment in these local fiber optic networks. For competitive advantage often comes in the form of milliseconds won thanks to faster connections.[vi] “[M]odernization project[s] will make lower Manhattan ‘future-proof,’”[vii] Verizon proudly informs us. Such infrastructures will ensure that automated future trading can progress unabated even if New York City is swallowed up by the very environmental catastrophes that these energy-intensive systems exacerbate. The ancients figured starry influence as a luciform body (αὐγοειδές/φωτοειδής)[viii]; Crane romantically re-metaphorized physical lights as stars; the pulses of light that speed along fiber optic cables and transmit reams of data (whether a poem or a derivatives trade) literalize the metaphor once and for all.

    Crane’s The Bridge and Whitman’s “Crossing Brooklyn Ferry” are the two primary influences on Brooklyn resident Ben Lerner’s recent collection The Lights[ix], which, as the opening poem “INDEX OF THEMES” informs us, is composed of:

    Poems

    about stars and

    how they are erased by street

    lights (3) […].

    We awake in a desolate wasteland of light pollution, a lambent storm of celestial rays, blue light, metaphors, materials, the “soft | glow of the screen [which] comes off on our hands” (4), as ink once might have. The poet is fretfully aware that technological development has eclipsed these once stalwart symbols of poetic influence:

    At some point I realized the questions were the same questions. […] I’m tracking the advent of the credit economy. The implications for folk music of the fact that stars don’t twinkle—the apparent perturbation of stars is just a fluctuation in the medium—is something we want to understand. (18)

    The stars have been erased first by street lights (still quaint) and, eventually, by the credit economy’s pulses of light, darting below the East River. Fluctuating media expose this primary trope of influence as an optical illusion. What Lerner here terms “folk music” names the object of his quest in these poems: a form of collective enunciation with which the lyric voice may or may not be commensurate. But why is the evanescence of starlight a matter for folk music? And why is this the same question as delving into the advent of the credit economy?

    As I explore in what follows, the lights of Lerner’s title figure nothing less than the prodigious effectivity of today’s fusion of finance and media, which generates influence at a scale far surpassing that of literary writing. Rather than understand the anxiety of influence at play in Lerner’s work within the Bloomian drama of literary history—a gigantomachia of poet against poet[x]— the theory of poetry here proposed reconstrues the post-Romantic condition of belatedness as the fate of the poet in the age of digital technology, with its propensity to colonize futures through self-realizing financial models. Lerner’s poetry vies with the financial fictions of traded futures, which foreclose upon poetry’s ability to imagine alternative worlds. [xi]

    On the example of The Lights, this essay seeks to reconceive “the exhaustions of being a latecomer” (to borrow a Bloomian locution) in light of the atrophy of imaginative power precipitated by market logics. Fernand Braudel famously christened the advent of financialization “a sign of autumn,” a late-stage in the palingenetic cycle of capitalist accumulation.  For scholars of literature, such autumnal metaphorics are mainstays of the poetic tradition. In the feuilles mortes of Verlaine’s “Chanson d’Automne,” the “limp leaves” rounding out Eliot’s The Wasteland, fall surfaces time and again as a guiding trope for the burden of modern literature’s belatedness, the impotence of its influence.[xii] What could be an antiquarian project of constructing a genealogy of influence becomes rather a critique of the exhaustion of our social imaginary by economic speculation.[xiii] For the “sign of autumn” may have once figured a poet’s anxious stance towards predecessors. But today it names not only an anxiety in the face of finance’s power, but the consciousness of how the poetic act relates to the possible end of today’s economic system, of final-stage late capitalism in its lateness.

    I. Voice (Flatus vocis)

    Lerner is an undeniably intelligent bard of the digital age, whose recent writings offer a diagnosis of the increasingly belligerent tenor of our public discourse. His 2019 The Topeka School proleptically sketches the political consequences of our frenetic mediasphere, while his recent parable of the internet age, “The Hofmann Wobble,” asks what it means to write imaginative prose in an era in which contemporary literature and the information economy both depend on the discursive production of fiction.[xiv] His works of the last decade evince a “promethean anxiety”[xv] as to the perceived superiority of technology’s productive and creative—that is to say, poetic—capacities. Implicitly naming a literary dynamic, this anxiety is not simply directed at print literature’s uncertain place in the world of technical media (a facet of our media ecosystem that can be dated at least to 1900[xvi]), but at the fusion of finance and media particular to the past half-century of economic reforms. “Iridescent unregulated financial derivatives,” in Lerner’s words, are responsible for the “vast human poem” woven by today’s platform capitalism.[xvii]

    Such platforms thus inherit the vision of a collectively laboring chorus envisioned by Bloom on the first page of his book proper: “Shelley speculated that poets of all ages contributed to one Great Poem perpetually in progress.”[xviii] We are far from a hermetic doctrine of poet against poet. The Lights asks what remains of poetry’s ability to shape collectivity (the implicit concern of Bloom’s above quote) in the face of the internet’s idée fixe of connectivity. “Imagine a song,” opens an early poem:

    that gives voice to people’s anger. […] The anger precedes the song, she continued, but the song precedes the people, the people are back-formed from their singing, which socializes feeling, expands the domain of the feelable. (6)

    In an age of rage and ressentiment, what generates collective forms of feeling is not poetry but the algorithms of social media so finely attuned to the mutual circulation of anger and profit.[xix] The poem remains uneasy about the potential for song being swallowed up by “talk” (6), the dizzying torrents of online chatter that found group identities through targeted feedback loops.[xx] The verb “socialize” rather impishly suggests that the social-democratic dream and the social-media nightmare are photographic negatives of one another.

    The book’s third poem “Auto-Tune,” serves as an ars poetica for the whole. The title refers to the famous audio processing program used to correct the infringements of timbre and pitch once cherished as uniquely expressive elements of the voice.[xxi] The vocal frequency domain thus “signifies the recuperation of particularity by the normative” rather than Barthes’s “grain of a particular performance” (8). The verdict is delivered in an affectless prose whose line breaks coincide only too comfortably with punctuation. Instead of the age-old communitarian paradigms of sacred polyphony that unite individuals in a choral mass, Auto-Tune’s dumb mathematics sum up the world’s voices to produce the statistical illusion of human totality—in a single voice. The poet would like to occupy this position of enunciation, at once singular and collective, in order “to sing of the seismic activity deep in the earth and the | destruction of the earth for profit” (8). But the tweaked voice that could do so depends on the very computational logic that is today at the forefront of “permanent wars of profit” (11).[xxii]

    This vocal bereftment is articulated in the language of influence. Lerner tries his hand at myths of priority. Caedmon, “the first poet in English” (8), discussed at length in his 2016 essay The Hatred of Poetry[xxiii], re-appears in “Auto-Tune” as one asked to sing “the beginning of created things”:

    Here my tone is bending toward an authority I don’t claim

    (“founding moment”),

    but the voice itself is a created thing, and corporate; (9)

    The reference to Cadmon is a mythologizing feign that allows Lerner to shroud the dilemma of technology’s monopoly on utterance in the garb of prophetic inspiration. Despair is re-cast as the hallowed origin of a poet otherwise riven by the stress of molestation and “authority”.[xxiv] For in the end, one “can only sing in a corporate voice of corporate things” (9). The pun has a way of truth about it. A better vision of collectivity is foreclosed upon if corporate control monopolizes the means and media to do so. If poetry can’t offer a vision of a better world, then all we are left with is “the sound of our | collective alienation” (10).

    Not simply the voice but the breath that propels it returns throughout the collection as the medium of these “bad forms of alienated collective | power” (55): in the toxic waste of Fukuyama inhaled continents away (38, 55) or “all the beautiful conspiracies, which means ‘to breathe together,’ the ancient dream of poetry” (71). Social media’s conspiracies see to fruition what poetry could only fantasize. In The Hatred of Poetry, Lerner returns time and again to Whitman’s oneiric politics of an “I” that could serve as metonym for corporate fictions such as the nation or humanity. In the poetry, the problem returns as one of the medium. Lerner remains enthralled by a 50-second phonographic recording of Whitman reciting lines from his “America”:

    what I miss most

    is the distortion, noise of the wax cylinder,

    the flaws in the medium that preserve

    what distance it closes […]. (37)

    The repetition of dis- in metrically proximate positions twice in three lines leaves a sonic trace such that “what distance it closes” stutters into “what distance it discloses.” Nostalgia’s love affair with distance is a kind of media effect because media bring us close to a given reality while also holding us at bay (the fate of celebrity images, Whatsapp voice notes from lost lovers, pornography, and Eucharistic adoration). Here, the media effect of nostalgia is a nostalgia for lost media effects. The distributed totality of poetic voice that Lerner dreams of through the Whitman recording is as chimerical as a longing for the phonograph in the digital age, or the living voice in the age of the phonograph. For all has been converted to bits of data anyway.

    To hear Whitman’s voice, Lerner undoubtedly listened to one of the many recordings available on Youtube. Perhaps no such recording is more famous than the one found in a conversation between Paul Holdengräber and Harold Bloom at the New York Public Library, when Holdengräber plays the recording for an initially oblivious Bloom who only later realizes what he has heard: “Oh! That was the voice himself!” he exclaims, “Play it again.”[xxv] This primal scene of influence between the great theorist of the agon and “the voice himself”—did Bloom envision a capitalized V?—is shaped by medial conditions. Only fitting for the man whose memorious powers won him the popular image of “Literature, Incorporated” thanks to the medial metaphors of tape recorder and computer invoked in the endless string of articles hyping Bloom’s monstrous poetic recall.[xxvi] Indeed, Bloom found himself embroiled in his own anxieties of influence when, in answering his question “And what is Poetic Influence anyway?”, he was sure to distinguish his approach from the industry of “allusion counting […] that will soon touch apocalypse anyway when it passes from scholars to computers”. But Bloom’s anticomputational anatomy, like Lerner’s dream of a mass medium that could synthesize the masses, proffers figments of total vocal incorporation only to retract them through the spectral drift that recording technologies introduce into vocal presence. For technologies of inscription preserve authenticity on the condition of reproducibility. The a priori of the recorded lyric “I” reaching a collective audience is that it forfeits its status as authentic speech.

    II. Lights (Influence)

    Today, primordial scenes of influence do not involve the voice etched in the record but the cool blue-white of the laptop open to Youtube. The guiding trope of The Lights figures the prodigious effectivity of today’s culture of the screen—the TV, the smartphone, the laptop—in shaping communities, leveraging affects, channeling desires, fostering communication and crafting selfhood. Screens unite us in forms of greater or lesser sophistication, whether through network effects or the sheer fact that we’re all plugged in to an increasingly centralized mainframe.[xxvii] What is the place of poetry in today’s United States where Whitman is a recording (now watched, now heard) on Youtube and online influencers have arrogated to themselves the clout (and money) of the sorts that the literary ilk may once have earned?[xxviii] In a recent interview about the book, Lerner slinks towards an answer when asked about the collection’s persistent figuration of the lights as extraterrestrial contact. “Who or what are ‘the lights’?,” asks the reviewer, “Are they actual aliens? Muses? Ghosts?” Lerner replies:

    All of the above. The lights are definitely the imagination of alien contact. In the title poem of the book, they are presented most explicitly as extraterrestrial. But it’s also about the human possibility of a certain kind of mis-reading—how we experience atmospheric effects or light pollution or whatever as a sign of possibility or mystery. Unexplained phenomena represent a kind of otherness or alterity, but then come back to us as just a way of understanding our own alienated version of the self or collective. Bad forms of collectivity can become a figure for collective possibility, an old and inexhaustible idea.[xxix]

    We learn little that’s new here. The poems themselves reflect time and again on the warped perceptions and paranoid delusions fostered by online networks and the glowing screens that grant us access to them. Striking here, rather, is Lerner’s eminently Bloomian locution “mis-reading,” a gloss on “mis-prision,” which Bloom defines as “a misreading of the prior poet, an act of creative correction that is actually and necessarily a misinterpretation […] self-saving caricature […].”[xxx] Mis-prision is one of the many useful lies for parrying influence.[xxxi] Lerner’s imaginary of alien presences and ancient muses is a salvific etiology, a way of disavowing the fact that the lights are the screens and light pulses with which today’s poet must vie. This disavowal forms the flimsy pretext for reintroducing the Romantic language of (poetic) mystery or the MFA theoryspeak of ‘alterity’ in order to endow contemporary poetry with the hieratic sway of which fiber optic networks have dispossessed it.

    Lerner’s response distances accordingly: the lights are not UFOs but rather “the imagination” thereof. Just as the imaginary of extraterrestrial contact is already a psychic displacement of our own collectivity, so is Lerner’s myth of alien contact a swerve away from the reality that digital infrastructures possess a near monopoly on crafting collectives. But just asso clauses are, as every good high school literature student knows, rhetorical operations, which, it turns out, replicate at the level of figurative language a metaphoric operation inherent to computational technology itself.

    I’m referring here to the manner in which the vast majority of us, civilians in matters of digital media, only have access to the ineluctable material infrastructures of fiber optic cables and computer hardware through the prosopopoeitic (>προσωποποιία, “to fashion a face, personify”) functions of the aptly-named interface. The reference of the eponymous “lights” slides from the “actual” pulses of light to the lit-up display of the screen on which are projected the metaphoric translations of computer processing. As Wendy Chun has argued, it is precisely the inaccessibility of the “Real” of computing that is responsible for the close link between fiber optics and paranoia.[xxxii] Re-formulating what Jameson first formulated as “cognitive mapping,” one could say that paranoia re-figures material processes as secret conspiracies in the same way that computers re-figure hardware as software.[xxxiii] The resulting “technical delusion” metaphorizes the relationship of media and power through an occult imaginary of spirits, flows, waves, aliens (in short: influences)—a representational process “deluded” because fictional, while also generative of the sorts of political delusion endemic to our conspiratorial Zeitgeist.[xxxiv]

    Thus, Lerner’s anxiety of influence here is scarcely reducible to the dominance of new media over print or even the present-day forms of influence that threaten to outstrip the literary. Rather, it is in no small part the prodigious effectivity of these metaphorizing operations that challenges poetry on its own grounds. (Need we recall that at least as far back as Aristotle metaphor was considered the bread and butter of poetics?) It is with this in mind that we can read Lerner’s poetry anew, beginning with the title poem in which this luminescence is granted its faux-etiology:

    At least the white poets might be trying to escape, using

    the interplanetary to scale

    down difference under the sign of encounter and

    late in a way of thinking, risk budgets

    the steal, the debates about face

    coverings, deepfakes, we would scan

    the heavens, discover what we’ve projected there

    among the drones, weather events, secret programs […]. (14)

    The hope that the singular white poet may speak for the body politic is ironized along with visions of the interplanetary.[xxxv] Extraterrestrial imaginings conveniently produce a humanity devoid of difference given that, from the perspective of the aliens, we are indeed a single race. In the wake of the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol Building, no one reading the fifth line can help but hear “The Steal,” another myth—facilitated by the media landscape—of alien invaders trying to seize power. (Who the aliens are depends on your party registration.) But against whom is the charge of belatedness levied? Is “late in a way of thinking” to be read in apposition to the poets who only now repurpose technical delusions as a literary technique? Or is it the commoditized “risk” traded in the form of personified light pulses (today’s form of personified capital) that are dismissed as epigones?

    Literature and the internet uncannily resonate, as poetry anguishes over the influence of other media and the internet agonizes over the influence of anti-Semitic bogies, secret cabals. Both produce fiction: verse on the one hand, “deepfakes” vel sim. on the other. In 1973, Bloom insisted that “the meaning of a poem can only be another poem,”[xxxvi] his own swerve away from McLuhan’s pronouncement one decade earlier that “the ‘content’ of any medium is always another medium.”[xxxvii] McLuhan illustrated his claim on the example of “electric light [which] is pure information.”[xxxviii] Lerner’s “lights” level the difference between their competing sentences anyway.

    For at the extreme, contemporary poetry is this mis-prision of literature’s impotence in the face of computers:

    I came into the cities at a time when stray military transmissions

    were confused for signs of alien life, a kind of poetry

    I came into the cities at a time in which all but the poorest among us

    had been colonized by blue light […]. (55)

    But one need neither be an “intelligent” poet (the critical consensus on Lerner) nor possess an Eliotian idiom in order to employ aliens as a last-ditch effort to influence the public: all Orson Welles needed was a radio. In a now infamous 1938 CBS broadcast, Welles presented his adaptation of War of the Worlds. In the play’s carefully scripted opening sequence, an announcer “interrupted” the program to relay to listeners that alien troops had descended from Mars and begun their conquest of planet Earth. Panic ensued when a number of the listeners believed that Martians had indeed landed in Grovers Mill, New Jersey. Already in 1938, the test of literature’s enduring relevance was whether it could adapt to a new media format so as to leverage influence, where leveraging influence was defined as the ability to incite mass hysteria.[xxxix]

    The transition from two-way wireless to one-way broadcasting formed the media-historical backdrop against which the War of the Worlds episode unfolded.[xl] From its advent, radio had been the object of popular fantasies of catching stray Martian transmissions. As radio transformed into a strictly receptive device for commercial programming from a select few companies, unease about the corporate control of this mass medium arose in turn. The paranoid reception of Welles’s broadcast thus figured the political economy of influence as an alien “invasion” in the homes and ears of the American listener, in part by reaching back to an imaginary of radio’s capacities prior to corporate control. In metonymically collapsing alien transmissions as a kind of poetry[xli], Lerner’s figuration follows the same arc in a different direction: he usurps for his art an effectivity akin to corporate-backed mass media. The efficacy of Welles’s extraterrestrial fable depended on a narratological metalepsis, a seeming intrusion of the extra- into the intradiegetic as the narrator “interrupts” this fictional program. Lerner’s collection proves to also depend on such a narrative legerdemain.

    III. Money (Inflation I)

    “THE DARK THREW PATCHES DOWN UPON ME ALSO,” (a quote from Whitman’s “Crossing Brooklyn Ferry”) the longest and in some respects most significant poem of the collection, originally stems from Lerner’s unclassifiable 2014 work 10:04.[xlii] Part Four of the autofictional novel recounts the author’s residency in the city of Marfa, Texas, a cultural hub famous for the phenomenon of the Marfa lights. Believed to be atmospheric distortions of the headlights beaming across from Highway 67, the Marfa lights have been ascribed to an array of otherworldly phenomena, from UFOs to ghosts to errant spirits of the departed. Lerner the poet is keen to hold on to this “misapprehension” of “our own | illumination returned to us as sign” (36). What he terms a misapprehension is a process of re-estimation, the dumb medium of light now endowed with the significance, value, and meaning in which poetry transacts.

    An allegory of influence emerges. For Bloomian misprision is fundamentally founded on a manipulation of values (“an ironical over-esteeming or over-estimation”[xliii]). Marfa’s light pollution and the static of Whitman’s recording, debris produced as technological side effects, here become the sources of poetic inspiration. Lerner’s quest for a medium of collectivity culminates in the ultimate fiction of value:

    I deliver money to boys with perforated organs:

    “unionism,” to die with shining hair

    beside fractional currency, part of writing

    the greatest poem.

    […]

    the small sums

    will grow monstrous as they circulate, measure:

    I have come from the future to warn you. (33)

    Much of the poem, like the 10:04 chapter from which it derives, is devoted to Lerner’s reading of Whitman’s 1892 autobiography “Specimen Days.” Of special importance is the scene in which Whitman darts through the wards of the Union wounded to leave behind “fractionals,” banknotes issued in place of the coinage that had fallen victim to currency speculation since the start of the Civil War. It is in this dissemination of money that Whitman comes closest to Lerner’s dream of fictionalizing a social body. “[W]riting | the greatest poem” is akin to investment, while the representative capacity of national currency serves as salve for the perforated bodies of the soldiery, metonymically: a body politic fractured by Civil War. Fear not that Whitman usurps his epigone’s task, for the contemporary poet rises up in admonishment in the final quoted lines: rampant inflation secures Lerner a victory, as poetic worth is measured in sheer number.[xliv] The voice from the future offers a poetic calque on influentia and its cognate inflatio. Indeed, our current use of the word “inflation” to mean the devaluation of currency derives from the monetary crisis of the Civil War, for which fractionals served as a stop-gap measure.[xlv] (Lerner terms it a time when “inflation rages” (30).) But since inflation’s inverse mathematics swell numbers while diminishing real value, we’re left wondering who exactly can be said in the end to possess the greater share of influence.

    Both words ultimately derive from infl(u)are, to flow or breathe in(to), and carry with them an entire lexical field of currents, gusts, winds, and ultimately: specters, spirits and ghosts.[xlvi] According to the guiding conceit of the Marfa lights and the spectral projection that makes them possible, the poetry of The Lights is revealed to be but a secondary effect, like wave interference, produced by the circulation of money and its attendant inflated values. Just as these scenes of literary encounter with Whitman and other predecessors become imbricated in the dynamics of the credit economy, so too does the task of fictionalizing collectivity. In “Autotune,” Lerner’s ponderous “dream of a pathos capable of redescription, | so that corporate personhood becomes more than legal fiction” reveals him to be a careful reader of Ernst Kantorowicz’s The King’s Two Bodies. Among Kantorowicz’s exhaustive catalogue of corporate political fictions, we find his account of fiscus, the body of wealth and goods that figure the national body, a premodern precursor to today’s national treasuries. With the fiscus began a strand of political thought connecting corporatist metaphors with the circulation of money that ran through the veins of the body politic.[xlvii]

    Poetic subjectivity’s constitution by the alien invasion of influence renders poetic personae dependent on porous passivity, that immoral seizure of the self that Wilde took to be the marring stain of influence.[xlviii] Like Whitman before him, Lerner retropes this passive “loafing”—which he defines in the corresponding passage in 10:04 as “a condition of poetic receptivity” (168)—as an active embrace shuttling between the one and the many. Being open to influence through one’s “perforated organs” becomes the sine qua non for the poetic production of the commons:

    the almost-work of taking everything personally

    until the person becomes a commons,

    a radical “loafing” that embraces the war

    because it also dissolves persons, a book

    that aspires to the condition of currency. (36)

    But the persistent figuration of poetry as monetary circulation warns us against reading for the intersubjective psychology of the Bloomian account. The classical desiderata of literary hermeneutics—assessing authorial subjectivity, qualitative influence (strong vs. weak poets), and semantic value—yield to an economy of social forms: personifications of the body politic, literature’s inflationary rhetorics, and the quantitative scaling-up of (internet) influence.[xlix]

    When returned to its place within the narrative economy of 10:04, Lerner’s poem proves to be obsessively concerned with inflecting the the anxiety of influence towards the anxiety of inflation. Taken as a whole, 10:04 itself is organized by a plait of subplots. First, as Arne De Boever has amply reconstructed, the work is fixated on the financialization of the novel and the possible inflation of its value in the interstice between the virtual (the future novel for which Lerner receives a handsome advance) and the actual (the novel, 10:04, which we have in our hands).[l] Constructing “futures” through influence—a financial term to which Lerner returns time and again—extends to the second subplot: his attempt to impregnate his best friend Alex by various means. In accord with the ancient lexical field of influentia, the starry flux said to bear the immaterial soul was believed to be contained within the sperm. (The Latin word influxus named both the starry flux descending to earth and the act of insemination.) The final subplot concerns literary influence in the most literal sense, as the narrator hatches a plan to forge his own papers so as to sell his archive (at a premium) to a willing librarian.

    Inflatio, influxus, influentia—three subplots each in some way organized around the financialization of influence, broadly conceived. The impregnation subplot is markedly queer, as we readers are left wondering whether the narrator’s “abnormal sperm” reaches its destination thanks to the wonders of financialized medicine (costly IUI treatments) or good old-fashioned sex, both of which he and Alex indulge in. “Biological and textual mortality”[li] are thematized in tandem, and the novel’s inflection of influence towards alternatively financial, biological and literary-historical senses probes narrative possibilities for fictionalizing the future beyond self-realizing market models. The late Mark Fisher, in his now epochal Capitalist Realism, made a compelling case for reading narratives of sterility in film and literature as a displaced “anxiety” of the inability to imagine a different future.[lii] Fisher invokes Bloom explicitly, whose poetic theory is based in the forging of genealogical relations between past, present and future through the medium of influence. Admittedly, Alex is not sterile; she becomes pregnant; a future is possible. The question is simply whether the obsessive talk of money grafted on the discussions of insemination means that the financial imaginary now completely dictates how that future may be envisioned.

    Within the intradiegetic fiction of the text, all that the narrator produces upon his publisher’s advance is the poem “THE DARK THREW PATCHES DOWN UPON ME ALSO,” included in Lerner’s future collection The Lights. And though the narrator insists, “[n]obody is going to give me strong six figures for a poem,”[liii] Part IV, set in Marfa, is prefaced by an apodictic “Money was a kind of poetry.”[liv] What does it mean to inflate poetic value in this manner? Consider the textual history of the novel. Part III’s autofictional short story “The Golden Vanity,” rife with metaleptic intrusions of the narrator in his story, appeared first in the June 11, 2012 issue of The New Yorker, prefaced a day earlier by an interview in newyorker.com with the author(-cum-narrator?) Lerner about the interplay between self, author and narrator[lv], the very triad at play in this short story about an author forging his correspondence for money. The short story was subsequently included in this autofictional novel, organized around the same rebarbative triad of personae and devoted to recounting the writing of the very novel we have in our hands (10:04), within the frame of which all that is written is a poem (“THE DARK…”) published in Lana Turner Journal ahead of the novel and subsequently included in The Lights. Discourses on autofiction (which have shaped the reception 10:04 as much as The Lights) have tended to remain mired in moralizing plaints about narcissism.[lvi] But this refraction of writerly selves deserves, rather, to be understood as a function of how fiction is financed[lvii], how influence is inflated, in the contemporary literary market.

    IV. Debt (Inflation II)

    “Bundled debt” is Lerner’s choice phrase, repeated twice in the collection, for a form of society produced through money, one of “the bad forms of alienated collective power.” The imposition of financial policies since the 70s has led to a constitutive shift in the capital structure of social welfare, which no longer relies on interest-free state investment but rather the ruthless predations of financial markets. What facilitates this process is securitization, the transformation of debt into tradable assets on the market.[lviii] Securitization structurally shifts the risk of economic investments from private creditors and financial firms to state actors while, conversely, eliminating social services through austerity, privatization, and increasingly personalized indemnity. “Bundled debt” thus represents a kind of perverse contre-jour (the title of one of the poems on the Russian revolutionary Victor Serge) in which we find the image of our own socialized existence returned to us in the form of expropriated debt. Lerner manages to capture at the level of syntax the very ambiguity of the figure here in question (I cite again the lines quoted above):

    late in a way of thinking, risk budgets

    the steal, the debates about face

    coverings, deepfakes, we would scan

    the heavens, discover what we’ve projected there

    among the drones, weather events, secret programs […]. (14)

    One way of understanding the enjambed “risk budgets | the steal” is that the budget for risk in today’s debt economy is itself the steal (taken as predicate), the plundering of public wealth for the sake of a few private beneficiaries. According to the other reading, with its implied reference to the 2020 election, risk accounts for (“budgets” as verb) the public paranoia of “the steal” as an intrinsic part of how the financialization of debt and online media produce these deformed specters of society and its others. Together, economic deprivations are experienced by vast swathes of the disenfranchised American population as personal slights, a sense of being “owed” by elites, Communists, immigrants, Democrats, Jews, whomever “we’ve projected there.”[lix]

    These lines rest on a delusional metaphorization of political economy into a paranoid panoply of figures (aliens, aura, waves), a process that could be traced back to the attempt to represent the otherwise unrepresentable hardware of digital technologies. Part and parcel of this metaphorization process is the re-figuration of predatory financial mechanisms (a material process) as the scheming of a secret cabal (a spectral undertaking), a process precipitated by recent developments in the economic sphere. For the fiscal orthodoxy regnant in recent decades figures class warfare as a neutral monetary policy, concealing economic machinations (a material process) beneath the necessary ghost of the “invisible hand” (a spectral undertaking). Post-Bretton Woods and, even more intensively, in the years following the 2008 crisis, the liberalization of credit through state treasuries has rendered monetary policy—most often under the pretext of combatting inflation—a feverishly politicized domain of financial decision-making. Inflation generates political delusion due to the delusional re-casting of austerity measures as apolitical, objective necessities.[lx] Of such concern to the modern poet is the manner in which bundled debt, risk, and currency—inextricably fused as they are with the digital media of today’s computer networks—are able to exercise an outside influence on the citizenry through this financial fabulation.

    Thus the drama of influence staged in Lerner’s verse pits the poet not against the rival literary predecessor, as Bloom’s poetic agon would have it, but rather against the forces of finance. Bloomian agon here bends towards a political agonistics as theorized by Chantal Mouffe, who employs the term to name the interminable conflict of dissenting actors necessary for democratic participation.[lxi] Actualizing a political latency in Bloom’s theory, Lerner’s poetic agonistics stages the monopolization of the democratic sphere by capital personified. In opposing finance’s usurpation of the place of poetry, he agonistically opposes its usurpation of the space of democracy.

    Lerner takes up this line of thought again in “The Circuit,” which opens with a fantasy of porous boundaries between flesh and light worthy of David Cronenberg. The dream of “hit[ting] the body | with a tremendous, whether it’s ultraviolet | or just very powerful light” is a verse arrangement of Trump’s April 2020 musings on the possibility of healing a body politic then ailing from the pandemic. Indeed, what passes for politics today is the passing of light through the body, from fiber to screen, screen to retina, corporate device to corporate collectivity. (Who knows this better than Trump and Musk?) The effulgent light of poetic influence is usurped. Fiber optic pulses can translate any media, any linguistic utterance, into the same form. Thus the late nineteenth century task of upholding semantic intractability against the language of the mass media is now defunct. Even if the poet offers a reboot of Mallarmé’s opposition to newspeak and writes in the language of today’s information systems—”malware | poets uploaded into language” (65)—the point remains that:

    the fascist reaction and I

    was mimetic of what I thought I opposed

    with my typing […]. (66)

    The singular “was” implies a singular subject, fascist reaction and lyric “I” now fused.

    Poetic programs, modernist or postmodernist or neo-existentialist (“a new language of commitment” (66)) will not save us so long as any form of inscription is completely owned by a set number of conglomerates who dictate the terms of its circulation. Nothing short of seizing the means of poetic production will change the lyric landscape. The unholy marriage of fiber optic networks and financial markets issue in the birth of

    the lightning-fast trades

    of bundled debt, among the most beautiful phrases

    in American English […]. (65)

    Figured in this debt is not just the bundle of fibers that transmit securities traded on the market, but also what the poet owes in the drama of literary influence, his penury in the face of a technology that can craft the finest phrases.[lxii] Perhaps the last historic acts of writing were the paper blueprints on which Intel engineers sketched designs for the hardware architecture of the first integrated microprocessor.[lxiii] Today’s poet can only languish in nostalgia:

    I want to make that sound

    of setting something down

    on paper as opposed to under

    glass, ghostly opposition […]. (26)

    When Lerner grafts the modifier “late in a way of thinking” onto his phrase “risk budgets” or describes how in today’s media ecology,

    the book idles

    In the chest, the new-old decadence

    The fast-slow time of it

    The arriving early to lateness (74)

    the temporality that he is outlining is specific to the financial episteme under which we live. “[A]rriving early to lateness” articulates, in one fell swoop, anxieties about the fate of print media as well as a prescient definition of the financial markets that transact in securities and derivatives. Futures and options, two of the key assets traded in today’s economy, depend on a temporal involution by which the future is retroactively priced as a present-day asset.[lxiv] In Bloom’s genealogical saga, the temporality of influence functions in much the same manner, as paternity and primacy become negotiable, subject to refiguration. As Edward Said once described it: “The past becomes an active intervention in the present; the future is preposterously made just a figure of the past in the present.”[lxv] While his summary of influence’s labile tempo is particularly fitting, I cite Said because he had foregrounded (already in 1976) the historical and political dimensions of Bloom’s account, over and against its reduction to a rarified theory or closing exercises in canonicity.[lxvi]

    In the above-cited interview with Hitzig, Lerner speaks of the “direct threat” to the “possibility of reception and transmission today” by the “debased rhythms and flattening and aggression of such ‘platforms’.” But the threat extends beyond the local anxieties of internet chatter to a felt impotency before the task of voicing collective demands, imagining alternative futures, and refusing the retreat of each into a private corner of rage. Luddism offers little succor. By the collection’s end, we find Lerner attempting to imagine what it might mean to recognize digital media as the sine qua non of our collective vision. Whitman’s omnivorous odyssey across Brooklyn Ferry and Crane’s mystical synthesis of America in The Bridge suddenly yield to a network of hyperlinks that recompose the organicity of the folk tradition (now composed of blue light):

    the words of the song from and for the future I recorded on my phone in a common dream, for dreams are commons. The screen is badly cracked and I get glass in my finger every time I touch it. Something is lost in the transcription because it doesn’t have words, but room tone is gained, a sound bed is made. That’s why I’m sending my friends links: I want all my friends linked and listening as they fan out across the bridges until it is part of the folk tradition, the blue tradition, the wordless silent part I anonymously contributed by living. […] Its basic idea is that time can be defeated for an hour if everyone breathes together, but songs are not made out of ideas, they’re made out of glass, the aerosolized glass that damages performers. (112)

    The cracked looking-glass becomes the precondition for (re-)finding totality. For when the screen breaks the illusion of interface is shattered and we are forced to come to terms with the dumb materiality in our hands. Lerner’s collection forces us to consider that which is repressed in order to produce the seamless spectacle of the lit-up display, alias, The Lights.

    Peter Makhlouf is Lecturer in the Department of Comparative Literature at Princeton University. He has published widely in both academic and public-facing venues and is currently completing his first book on the decadence problematic in twentieth century German culture. His next book project explores the category of influence at the crossroads of poetics, media, and political economy over the past century.

    [i] I cite from the excellent edition Hart Crane’s ‘The Bridge’, ed. Lawrence Kramer (New York: Fordham University Press, 2011), 4.

    [ii] Transmemberment being the at once conjunctive and dissociative rhetoric integral to Crane’s poetic vision: see Lee Edelman, Transmemberment of Song: Hart Crane’s Anatomies of Rhetoric and Desire (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987).

    [iii] See the writings collected in Theodor Adorno, The Stars Down to Earth (London: Routledge, 1994).

    [iv] For a readable introduction to the physical infrastructures of the internet see Andrew Blum, Tubes: A Journey to the Center of the Internet (New York: Ecco, 2012); on New York specifically see the fascinating little volume Ingrid Burrington, Networks of New York: An Illustrated Field Guide to Urban Internet Infrastructure (Brooklyn: Melville House, 2016).

    [v] On the latest chapter, see https://www.wsj.com/articles/high-frequency-traders-push-closer-to-light-speed-with-cutting-edge-cables-11608028200

    [vi] https://www.popularmechanics.com/technology/infrastructure/a7274/a-transatlantic-cable-to-shave-5-milliseconds-off-stock-trades/

    [vii] https://www.verizon.com/about/news/critical-steps-completed-bringing-fiberoptic-connectivity-lower-manhattan

    [viii] See Abraham Bos, The ›Vehicle of the Soul‹ and the Debate over the Origin of this Concept,” Philologus 151, (2007), 31–50.

    [ix] Ben Lerner, The Lights (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2023).

    [x] It has, to my view, never been noted that Harold Bloom’s epochal The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry (New York: 1973) appeared in that annus horribilis of 1973, which fell under the influence of an ominous star. Oil shocks rippled through the developed world; the collapse of the Bretton-Woods agreement spelled the end of the gold standard; and the industrial boom of the postwar period finally sputtered to an unprofitable end. The US economy’s transition from industrial to financial capital was well underway, facilitated by the Black-Scholes equation for derivatives trading which appeared in print in the same year. So began the epoch that Ernst Mandel in his 1972 book would term Late Capitalism. Though no one foresaw this conjuncture, Bloom’s concept of “influence” would go on to play a defining role in the financial markets and digital media that were, in 1973, just beginning their precipitous rise. The fullest account of the significance of 1973 in financial history may be found in Mikkel Frantzen, “1973: A Monument to Radical Instants,” in The Birth of the Financial Thriller: Making a Killing in the 1970s (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2024).

    [xi] See Cédric Durand, Fictitious Capital: How Finance is Appropriating Our Future, trans. David Broder (London: Verso, 2017).

    [xii] For the most thoroughgoing study of this theme, see Ben Hutchinson, Lateness and Modern European Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).

    [xiii] My aim is thus neither to seek new digital tools for the study of influence nor to trace the shifts in literary form born of the pressures of new media. For the most concerted attempt to take stock of this new media landscape, see Alan Liu, Friending the Past: The Sense of History in the Digital Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018).

    [xiv] Ben Lerner, The Topeka School (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2019); Ben Lerner, “The Hofmann Wobble: Wikipedia and the assault on history,” Harper’s Dec. 2023, 23-32.

    [xv] Hannes Bajohr,”Algorithmic Empathy: Toward a Critique of Aesthetic AI,” Configurations 30 (2022), 203-31, cites this term as an expression of human’s alienation in the face of technologies’ superior creative powers and thus, implicitly, as a literary dynamic emerging from the anxieties of technology’s perceived poetic capacities.

    [xvi] According to Friedrich Kittler’s account in both Discourse Networks 1800/1900, trans. Michael Metteer, with Chris Cullens (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press: 1990) and Gramophone, Film, Typewriter, trans. Geoffrey Winthrop-Young and Michael Wutz (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press: 1999).

    [xvii] “The Hofmann Wobble,” 30

    [xviii] Bloom, Anxiety of Influence, 19.

    [xix] See Joseph Vogl, Capital and Ressentiment: A Brief Theory of the Present, trans. Neil Solomon (London: Polity, 2022).

    [xx] See Brian Judge, “The birth of identity biopolitics: How social media serves antiliberal populism,” New Media & Society 26/6 (2024), 3273-89.

    [xxi] On the history and cultural politics of autotune see the excellent essay by Simon Reynolds, “How Auto-Tune Revolutionized the Sound of Popular Music,” https://pitchfork.com/features/article/how-auto-tune-revolutionized-the-sound-of-popular-music/.

    [xxii] See Justin Joque, Revolutionary Mathematics: Artificial Intelligence, Statistics and the Logic of Capitalism (London: Verso, 2022).

    [xxiii] Ben Lerner, The Hatred of Poetry (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2016).

    [xxiv] On molestation and authority in the endeavor to found a literary beginning, see Edward Said, Beginnings: Intention and Method (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975).

    [xxv] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YWi0AMyniYc, 4:33f.

    [xxvi] See Marc Redfield, “Literature, Incorporated: Harold Bloom, Theory, and the Canon,” in Theory at Yale: The Strange Case of Deconstruction in America (New York: Fordham University Press, 2016), 103-124.

    [xxvii] See Benjamin Bratton, The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015). In her “Common Sensing? Machine Learning, ‘Enchantment’ and Hegemony,” New Left Review 144 (Nov/Dec 2023), Hito Steyerl probes how tech companies are carrying out data mining operations in the Global South in order to rope populations worldwide into new financial networks that wed blockchain to AI.

    [xxviii] On the economics of influence see Emily Hund, The Influencer Industry: The Quest for Authenticity on Social Media (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023).

    [xxix] “Ben Lerner in conversation with Zoë Hitzig,” November (2023) https://www.novembermag.com/content/ben-lerner.

    [xxx] Anxiety of Influence, p. 30

    [xxxi] On the logic of lie and metaphor effected by the finance economy see Amin Samman, “Capital of Lies” in boundary2online, Special Issue: The Gordian Knot of Finance (Dec. 2024), https://www.boundary2.org/2024/12/amin-samman-capital-of-lies/.

    [xxxii] On the dialectic of fiber optic enlightenment see Wendy Chung, Control and Freedom: Power and Paranoia in the Age of Fiber Optics (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005).

    [xxxiii] Fredric Jameson, “Cognitive Mapping,” in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (eds.), Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988).

    [xxxiv] Jeffrey Sconce, The Technical Delusion: Electronics, Power, Insanity (Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2019); on the poetics of paranoid ideation, i.e., the way in which paranoid politics depends on the work of imaginative creation, see Zahid Chaudhary, “Paranoid Publics,” History of the Present 12/1 (2022), 103-126.

    [xxxv] A theme that returns in The Hatred of Poetry.

    [xxxvi] Bloom, Anxiety of Influence, 95.

    [xxxvii] Marshall McLuhan, “The Medium Is the Message,” in Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1964), p. 8.

    [xxxviii] ibid.

    [xxxix] For the relevant texts, see John Gosling, Waging the War of the Worlds (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland & Co., 2009); for a study of the event, see Brad Schwartz Broadcast Hysteria: Orson Welles’s War of the Worlds and the Art of Fake News. (New York: Hill and Wang, 2015).

    [xl] I follow here the account offered by Jeffrey Sconce, “Alien Ether,” in Haunted Media: Electronic Presence from Telegraphy to Television (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000), 92-123.

    [xli] Note the ambiguity of “a kind of poetry” referring to either “signs of alien life” or “stray military transmissions” or the metaphoric process whereby the latter is translated into the former.

    [xlii] Ben Lerner, 10:04 (New York: Picador, 2014).

    [xliii] Bloom, Anxiety of Influence, xiii.

    [xliv] A theme famously explored by the poet-turned-hedge-fund-employee Katy Lederer in The Heaven-Sent Leaf (Rochester, NY: BOA Editions, 2008).

    [xlv] This is also the period when the term “fictitious capital” emerges in England; see Durand, Fictitious Capital, p. 41f.

    [xlvi] See Rainer Specht, “Einfluß,” in Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie online, https://doi.org/10.24894/HWPh.793.

    [xlvii] Ernst H. Kantorowicz, “Christus-Fiscus,” in The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2016 [1957]), 164-92; cf. 342-346. Cf. Gerhard Scharbert and Joseph Vogl, “Zirkulation, Kreislauf,” in Joseph Vogl and Burkhardt Wolf (eds.), Handbuch Literatur & Ökonomie (Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, 2019), 347-51.

    [xlviii] Early in The Picture of Dorian Gray, Lord Henry Wotton declares: “There is no such thing as a good influence, Mr. Gray. All influence is immoral – immoral from the scientific point of view. […] Because to influence a person is to give him one’s own soul.”

    [xlix] Franco “Bifo” Berardi has laid the groundwork for a critical theory of finance poetics in his The Uprising: Poetry and Finance Capital (Los Angeles: semiotexte, 2013).

    [l] Arne De Boever, “Financing the Novel: Ben Lerner’s 10:04,” in Finance Fictions: Realism and Psychosis in a Time of Economic Crisis (New York: Fordham University Press, 2018), 152-180.

    [li] Lerner, 10:04, 55.

    [lii] Mark Fisher, Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative? (Winchester, UK: zero books, 2009), 3.

    [liii] Lerner, 10:04, 137.

    [liv] Lerner, 10:04, 158.

    [lv] June 10, 2012: Interview with Cressida Leyshon (https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/this-week-in-fiction-ben-lerner).

    [lvi] For a recent example, see Rhian Sasseen, “Extremely Online and Incredibly Tedious,” The Baffler, June 12, 2024: https://thebaffler.com/latest/extremely-online-and-incredibly-tedious-sasseen.

    [lvii] Something also highlighted in De Boever, “Financing the Novel.”

    [lviii] On these developments see Maurizio Lazzarato, The Making of the Indebted Man (Los Angeles: semiotext(e), 2012).

    [lix] On the structural relationship between finance and political paranoia, see Fabian Muniesa, Paranoid Finance (Cambridge (UK): Polity, 2024).

    [lx] On this point see the two important recent contributions of Paul Mattick, “From the Great Inflation to Magic Money,” The Return of Inflation: Money and Capital in the 21st Century (Cornwall: Reaktion, 2023), 121-46 and Stefan Eich, “Silent Revolution: The Political Theory of Money After Breton Woods,” in The Currency of Politics: The Political Theory of Money from Aristotle to Keynes (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2022), 177-205.

    [lxi] See Harold Bloom, Agon: Towards a Theory of Revisionism (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982) and Chantal Mouffe, Agonistics: Thinking the World Politically (London/New York: Verso, 2013). On the necessity of contestation in opposing the anti-democratic nature of contemporary monetary politics see Stefan Eich, “Democracy and the Political Limits of Monetary Politics,” boundary2online, Special Issue: The Gordian Knot of Finance (Dec. 2024), https://www.boundary2.org/2024/12/stefan-eich-democracy-and-the-political-limits-of-monetary-politics/.

    [lxii] On the implications of computer code for print media see N. Katherine Hayles, Postprint: Books and Becoming Computational (New York: Columbia University Press, 2021).

    [lxiii] On this point see Friedrich Kittler, “There Is No Software,” in The Truth of the Technological World: Essays on the Genealogy of Presence, trans. Erik Butler (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 219-229.

    [lxiv] On transactions between poetics and economy in the wake of financialization see Joshua Clover, “Retcon: Value and Temporality in Poetics,” Representations 126/1 (2014), 9-30.

    [lxv] Edward W. Said, “The Poet as Oedipus,” (a review of Harold Bloom, A Map of Misreading), NY Times Book Review, April 13, 1975.

    [lxvi] See “Interview: Edward W. Said,” Diacritics Vol 6 no. 3 (1976), 30-47.

  • Inuk Silis Høegh and Asmund Havsteen-Mikkelsen–Melting Barricades

    Inuk Silis Høegh and Asmund Havsteen-Mikkelsen–Melting Barricades

    Melting Barricades

    Inuk Silis Høegh and Asmund Havsteen-Mikkelsen

    We conceived Melting Barricades in 2004 as a collaborative project to comment on the Greenlandic Home Rule 25th Anniversary. It consisted of a fictive Greenlandic army complete with propaganda material, drafting performance and a military headquarter from where the defense of Greenland and Greenland’s invasion of the world was planned.

    Greenland’s independence was already an issue back then, but we wanted to ask what Greenland wanted with its independence. Which values did it want to protect–and which values did it want to contribute–in a globalized world? The invention of a Greenlandic army was a framework to ask these questions in a different way.

    We organized a drawing competition for all Greenlandic children and found out that Greenland’s core values were peace and openness (as a nation it has never been at war with other nations). With those values as a foundation, we proposed for Greenland to colonize the world and cool down all military conflicts (back in 2004, the US and Denmark were engaged in the invasion of Iraq). Flying icebergs were our primary weapons.

    Irony, humor and speculative fiction were central to the project, which operates like a kind of Trojan horse, smuggling in difficult questions about the colonization of Greenland, but also seeking to empower a small nation to colonize the world. Today, with the US threatening to take control of Greenland through the use of economic and military power, the meaning of our propaganda video has changed once again: from absurdity to the promotion of an act of actual resistance against a new aggressor.

    An interview about the project can be read here.

    Inuk Silis Høegh (GR) graduated from the Royal Danish Art Academy in 2010 but had already established himself as an artist and filmmaker in Greenland and Denmark backed by his M.A. in Film and TV-production from University of Bristol, England (1997). Inuk works with conceptual works in a variety of techniques including installation, photo manipulation and film. His art has been shown in Greenland, France, Latvia, Canada and all around the Nordic Countries, with recent solo exhibitions in Greenland Culture House and Taseralik, Sisimiut, Greenland. His shortfilms and documentaries, among them the prize winning Sumé: The Sound Of A Revolution, has toured on TV and festivals all around the globe. Inuk received the Niels Wessel Bagges Grant in 2005 and the National Culture Award from the Government of Greenland in 2015.

    Asmund Havsteen-Mikkelsen (DK) was born in 1977 and is a MFA graduate from the Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts and Copenhagen University with a MA degree in literature and philosophy. He has participated in the research program at CCA Kitakyushu in Japan and between 2007 and 2015 he was based in Berlin. His artistic practice with a strong focus on architecture spans various formats from painting, installation, sculpture and theoretical writing, such as Generic Singularity, Non-philosophy and Contemporary Art and Community of Contribution. Most recently he published Danish Speciesism. In 2018 his project Flooded Modernity–a submerged replica of the Villa Savoye by Le Corbusier–in Vejle Fjord gained international attention. In 2020 he contributed to the catalogue for the Venice Biennale for architecture. His works have been shown at museums and galleries throughout Denmark and Europe, such as the Museum for Contemporary Art, Roskilde; Kunsthal Charlottenborg, Copenhagen and John Hansard Gallery in Southampton. In 2024 Melting Barricades was acquired by Nuuk Art Museum as part of their permanent collection.

  • Alexander R. Galloway–The Uses of Disorder (A Review of David Golumbia’s Cyberlibertarianism)

    Alexander R. Galloway–The Uses of Disorder (A Review of David Golumbia’s Cyberlibertarianism)

    The Uses of Disorder: A Review of David Golumbia’s Cyberlibertarianism

    Alexander R. Galloway

    Does disorder have a politics? I suspect it must. It has a history, to be sure. Disorder is quite old, in fact, primeval even, the very precondition for the primeval, evident around the world in ancient notions of chaos, strife, or cosmic confusion. But does disorder have a politics as well? As an organizing principle, disorder achieved a certain coherence during the 1990s. In those years technology evangelists penned books with titles like Out of Control (the machines are in a state of disorder, but we like it), and The Cathedral and the Bazaar (disorderly souk good, well-ordered Canterbury bad).[1] The avant argument in those years focused on a radical deregulation of all things, a kind of full-stack libertarianism in which machines and organisms could, and should, self-organize without recourse to rule or law. Far from corroding political cohesion, as it did for Thomas Hobbes and any number of other political theorists, disorder began to be understood in a more positive sense, as the essential precondition for a liberated politics. Or as the late David Golumbia writes in Cyberlibertarianism, the computer society of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries culminated in “the view that ‘centralized authority’ and ‘bureaucracy’ are somehow emblematic of concentrated power, whereas ‘distributed’ and ‘nonhierarchical’ systems oppose that power.”[2] And, further, Golumbia argues that much of the energy for these kinds of political judgements stemmed from a characteristically ring-wing impulse, namely a conservative reaction to the specter of central planning in socialist and communist societies and the concomitant endorsement of deregulation and the neutering of state power more generally. Isaiah Berlin’s notion of negative liberty had eclipsed all other conceptions of freedom; many prominent authors and technologists seemed to agree that positive liberty was only ever a path to destruction.[3] Or as Friedrich Hayek put it already in 1944, any form of positive, conscious imposition of order would inevitably follow “the road to serfdom.”[4] Liberty would thus thrive not from rational order, but from a carefully tended form of disorder.

    Ceci tuera cela, wrote Victor Hugo. “This will kill that. Books will topple buildings … printing will kill architecture.”[5] As Golumbia discusses in his Chapter 4, cyberlibertarians frequently use the analogy of Gutenberg when speculating on the revolutionary politics of new digital technologies. The Internet will transform society, cyberlibertarians argue, by doing away with all the old hierarchies and gatekeepers, much as the printing press once weakened the clergy’s monopoly over the Good News. It’s a real historical transformation, perhaps, but the phrase is also meant to work as a metaphor. This will kill that. Computers will topple buildings. And it’s even more precise than this. Computers do away with the very concept of “building,” cyberlibertarians argue, because computers are inherently disruptive of hierarchies and institutions. Computers perform a kind of un-building, a deconstruction of all hitherto existing constructions. Or as Jacques Derrida once divulged with a refreshing candor, “[i]f there had been no computer, deconstruction could never have happened.”[6] The cyberlibertarians say something similar: behold the modern computer; in its wake are dissolved all the old hierarchies of Western culture.

    Should we believe all this, this specific rhetoric of disorder? I, for one, don’t. And neither did Golumbia. I don’t believe Hayek. And if I were to believe Derrida, I doubt that he himself understood the consequences of such a pronouncement.[7] However I’m compelled to stay with the logic of disorder, at least for a while, given how disorder has colored so much of contemporary life. The disorder is real, I maintain, even if one should be skeptical about the rhetoric of liberation accompanying it. By the end I hope to convince you that disorder is not the general unraveling of order, but in fact an alternative system of order, and thus a clearly articulable form of political power.

    In other words, what the tech evangelists got wrong, and what Golumbia got right, was that this new chaotic infrastructure, this new anarchy of flesh and ferrite, did not signal a generalized relaxation of order and organization, but in fact constituted a new system of management just as robust as any of the old hierarchies. (Tellingly, Gilles Deleuze once labeled the burgeoning computer epoch a “society of control”, not a society of liberty or justice.[8]) Particularly formative for me in arriving at this opinion were books like Branden Hookway’s Pandemonium, an unclassifiable text from 1999 devoted to the “environment of ‘all demons,’” understood through “chaotically activated surfaces, a swirl of constant motion, even brutal ubiquitous insurrection … a sort of diabolic friction between heaven and earth.”[9] What Hookway helped me understand was that the new pandemonium of the marketplace didn’t so much forestall the new serfdom as inaugurate a new type of subordination, even if the shape of that new subordination did not resemble Winston Smith kneeling underneath the supersized face of Big Brother. The new subordination was somehow “free” and self-driving, in that all participating agents within the system (each machine, each person) were obligated to induce their own subsidiary statuses within a swirl of contingent encounters. Forget about rugged individualism, everyone seemed content just being a beta. Capitalism had entered its cuck phase. There’s a permanent pecking order, and the market bull is always ahead of you.[10]

    This logic of disorder is baked into computer networks. For example, computer protocols like Transmission Control Protocol (TCP) and Internet Protocol (IP) were designed to be open, free, and flexible, not rigid or tyrannical. And indeed they are! If there is a tyranny, it’s a tyranny stemming from the absence of tyranny. Today’s protocols claim to lack any kind of central authority. Of course this is a convenient myth, as new kinds of authorities emerge precisely from an environment bent on excluding authority. Network protocols have de jure authorities in the various international standards bodies such as the IEEE (Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers). Networks also have de facto authorities in the small number of behemoth nodes that claim an inordinate percentage of network throughput and computing power. Look up how much of the Internet runs on Amazon Web Services alone; you might be shocked at the result. But the argument goes further than that. Even at the point of breaking up all the monopolies and structurally removing all anti-markets, the control society would remain. Even if we managed to expropriate every billionaire, and got all markets to hum with zero friction, the beautiful disorder of control society would remain. It’s all just random variations of values in an enormous planetary spreadsheet; it’s all just arbitrage within a disorderly parade. Or to borrow the language of psychoanalysis, today’s cyberlibertarians are classic hysterics. They desperately strive to undermine order, while also propping up a new technical regime (if only for the purposes of further undermining it).

    Is disorder the best word to describe this? Might disorganization work better? I am trying to put my finger on a specific phenomenon that is old but has accelerated over the last several decades. I see it as characteristically American, from my vantage at least, a phenomenon that combines different tendencies from disorganization and decentralization, to anti-authoritarianism and anti-foundationalism. What ties these tendencies together is a generalized skepticism toward institutions, fueled by a fundamental belief in the power of the individual paired with a skepticism toward others, a skepticism that frequently blossoms into outright contempt. In America, and the American West in particular, these tendencies are inextricable from racism and xenophobia within the political sphere. The wars against American Indians in the Black Hills or the Chiricahua Mountains are not so remote from today’s wars on the homeless in Grants Pass or the Tenderloin. In what Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron termed “the Californian Ideology,” technology itself might embody these same kinds of carceral exclusions, taking advantage of technologies of disorder to promulgate a structure of mutual contempt, thereby furthering an institution that undermines all institutions.[11]

    One of the winners out of all of this has been Ayn Rand, a mediocre novelist who left Soviet Russia for Hollywood America, and whose name is now permanently associated with cyberlibertarianism. During a revealing segment near the start of his BBC documentary All Watched Over by Machines of Loving Grace, filmmaker Adam Curtis chronicled how Silicon Valley has paid homage to Ayn Rand time and again, from the tech entrepreneurs who have christened their daughters Ayn and their sons Rand, to the various consultancies and finance companies with names like Fountainhead or the Galt Group. The profusion of Rands is dizzying: all those CEO sprouts named Rand, Ayn Rand herself, but also the libertarian Rand Paul, mixed together with white papers published by the RAND Corporation.[12]

    Curiously, the 1960s counterculture both helped and hindered these developments. Mobilizing a kind of tactical ambiguity, the counterculture both proposed any number of tech-centric utopias, while also experimenting with versions of pastoral communalism that many of the new corporate magnates inherently despised. Golumbia has resolved the ambiguity by highlighting the many rightward tendencies while remaining unconvinced of their putative leftward potential.[13] Hence in Golumbia’s account, tech institutions like the WELL and Wired Magazine, along with figures like Steward Brand and John Perry Barlow, are all harbingers of a creeping conservatism, not innervating indicators of a liberated future.

    In resolving the ambiguity, Golumbia assembles a mountain of evidence. Going person by person, he shows that a sizable number of figures from the computer revolution were either proud right-wingers, or ought to be labelled as such by virtue of their affection for Atlas-Shrugged-style libertarianism. By contrast, to enumerate all of the bona fide socialists or communists among the raft of hackers and computer scientists driving cyberculture would produce a very short list indeed. Beyond individual personalities, Golumbia also shows that many of the cherished organizations within cyberculture (such as Wikipedia or the Electronic Frontier Foundation), along with many of the Internet-oriented campaigns of recent years (such as the 2012 campaign against SOPA and PIPA legislation), typically act in the service of new-economy titans in Silicon Valley at the expense of old economy dinosaurs like Hollywood. Whoever wins, we lose.

    Many readers will blanch at the details; I even did in certain places, given my interest in open-source software, the hacker community, and other aspects of cyberculture targeted by Golumbia as inherently right-leaning. I fear some readers will simply discard his argument out of hand, not wishing to have their base assumptions tested, as happened with Golumbia’s previous work on the right-wing politics behind cryptocurrencies.[14] In listening to some of the lectures and podcast appearances he gave before his death, Golumbia was actively concerned about the mismatch between the evidence offered and its reception by both his supporters and critics. With patience and composure, but clearly exasperated, Golumbia would frequently note how the Internet elicits a disproportionate amount of goodwill, despite all of its negative and even reactionary tendencies. I just don’t know how much more evidence you need, Golumbia has lamented in different ways on different occasions. In fact, Golumbia was clever enough to scrutinize his own rhetorical disadvantage, ultimately adducing this disadvantage as a piece of the argument itself. According to him, cyberculture entails an inversion between evidence and belief. Hence it is entirely possible for Golumbia’s readers to accept his evidence on rational terms, while also stubbornly believing the opposite. Yes, Golumbia is correct about bitcoin, but I still want to get rich off crypto…. Yes, he’s correct about Google, but I still love my Gmail account. This mechanism of disavowal — yes, but still — allows cyberculture to appear progressive on the surface, while also promulgating reactionary politics at its core.[15] It is a classic instance of ideological inversion. The very thing that users desire is also the thing that undermines them. Or as Golumbia reminds his readers on page after page: beware of geeks bearing gifts!

    Indeed, the question of gifts sits at the heart of many of these debates. Economists and legal theorists frequently talk about the advent of the so-called gift economy rooted in the wide circulation of free content online. And one of the founding principles of the open-source movement turns on a claim about gifts, or the lack thereof. Since the 1990s, computer scientist Richard Stallman has been one of the most visible figures in the free and open-source software movement. A technical genius, Stallman is notable for his ability to write compellingly about the topic, while also evangelizing through lectures and other public appearances. Perhaps the most widely quoted passage from Stallman has to do with distinguishing between two senses of the word “free.” “‘[F]ree software’ is a matter of liberty, not price,” Stallman has insisted. “To understand the concept, you should think of ‘free’ as in ‘free speech,’ not as in ‘free beer.’”[16] I recall hearing this line many times during the first Internet boom of the late 1990s. Free speech, yes; free beer no — that was the essence of liberated software according to Stallman and his ilk. It always struck me as misguided. But I guess the ebullience of those years made it feel too petty to debate the point. So at the risk of exposing myself to ridicule, let me be crystal clear today: If we are stuck with Stallman’s perhaps artificial binary, the truly progressive position would obviously be the second option, free beer! One must insist on this. Stallman was devilishly clever to constrain our choices to only these two terms, given how such a framing inherently mocks the progressive position as outrageous and frivolous, like those old conservative tabloids that would satirize the workers’ movement as wanting to make the streets flow with champagne. A sense of liberty is paramount within any healthy society. But the left has always understood freedom through the prism of justice, hence not freedom for freedom’s sake, but rather free social services, free public commons, free health care, free education, and, above all, freedom from the tyranny of private property. Or as Golumbia explains in plain terms: “The roots of open source do not emerge from Marx. Instead, they are more in line with anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman.”[17] (I often wonder whether left tech even exists at all. Has humanity yet invented a communist computer?) To repeat, Richard Stallman made the wrong choice regarding freedom, and the success of his error has negatively influenced the history of software and computing for the last three decades. Or, to cede the thread back to Golumbia, Stallman was wrong, but, more importantly, his being wrong was evidence of his right-wing tendencies.

    On this point Golumbia benefits from a certain slippage between political monikers. While many of the antagonists in his book are libertarians, in fact a good portion of them would better be described as mainline liberals, and indeed label themselves as such. The key for Golumbia is to insist on defining liberal in the traditional Lockean sense of individual liberty, private property, and market capitalism, rather than how the label tends to be used in the contemporary vernacular (as a loose synonym for NPR, Volvos, and Elizabeth Warren). Golumbia does this effectively in the book. Yet I sometimes found myself having to rehearse every step of the argument in order for the point to land. Many of Golumbia’s readers will readily agree that Elon Musk and Peter Thiel are political reactionaries; but the proposal is more labored when it comes to Cory Doctorow or danah boyd.

    That Musk has described himself as an anarcho-capitalist complicates the discussion a great deal.[18] If Musk is an anarchist too, then, yuck, I will decline association. And yet, while conspiratorial thinking is no doubt enjoyable, particularly when it means putting capitalism in the sights, there’s no anarchist conspiracy taking place in corporate boardrooms, alas. The “anarcho” in anarcho-capitalism is a misnomer of the highest order; Musk & Co. are not anarchists in any real sense of the term. As Golumbia explains with more patience than I could ever muster, anarcho-capitalists do not adopt any of the various principles of political anarchism such as radical equality via the removal of social hierarchy, a rejection of representation in favor of local decision making and communization, Peter Kropotkin’s mutual aid contra Charles Darwin’s survival of the fittest. (Enumerating the principles of anarchism is absurd of course, at least superficially; those made nervous by the listing of principles might prefer to think in terms of tendencies or practices, identified merely to facilitate the very contingency of anarchism, its essential disorder.) And yet so many tech entrepreneurs want to fly the black flag. Do these titans of industry know more than they let on? Do they admit to themselves that capitalism is a corrosive force in society? Is “anarchism” just a sexier word for “disruption” (which itself was a sexy word for all the daily depravities of capitalism)? I already know Marx and Engels’s lamentations on the disruptive forces of bourgeois society, “[a]ll that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned,” and yet I have to hear it again from a bunch of cheery entrepreneurs?[19]

    Here’s a guiding principle to help stay mentally balanced: less Tim May and more Todd May. I screw up the names myself sometimes. Todd, the leftist philosopher who first made his mark thirty years ago with a lean and punchy book about political anarchism[20]; Tim, the cypherpunk engineer and low-skill author of the “Crypto Anarchist Manifesto” about techno anarchism. (“A specter is haunting the modern world, the specter of crypto anarchy. … Arise, you have nothing to lose but your barbed wire fences!”[21]) Is it even worth complaining about Tim’s amateurish allusions when the ideas driving them are so repulsive? As Golumbia diligently documents in his book, Tim was virulently bigoted against Blacks, Jews, and Latinos. Golumbia reproduces some of the offending passages in his book — I won’t cite them myself; the quotations are not worth your eyes — but Golumbia’s true task was to show readers exactly why Tim’s bigotry paired so easily with his libertarianism.

    I suspect that the fatal flaw of cyberlibertarianism has been to value formal determinations over political ones. By formal determinations I mean the adoption of tools and techniques selected for their specific shape and arrangement rather than due to the political realities they engender. Hence the cyberlibertarian values of openness over closedness, distribution contra centralization, the horizontal instead of the vertical, flows rather than fetters, and rhizomes not trees. Yet the disparaged second terms in this list of pairs are often politically valuable, even necessary. For example, closedness is necessary for privacy, and centralization helps with economies of scale.

    Here we may also definitively untangle the unfortunately intimate relationship forged between libertarianism and anarchism in recent decades. Anarchists want a different shape, that’s true, but a shape that directly informs a series of political desires such as mutual aid, anti-racism, collapsing the hierarchy of representation, and so on. Whereas libertarians use a superficial form of anarchism as camouflage to hide what amounts to cynical egoism: I’m an anti-foundationalist because I just don’t want to pay taxes.[22]

    What gets overlooked by cyberlibertarians, and frankly by many others including some proper anarchists, is that these arrangements (horizontality, openness, free flows) constitute a system of order like any other. Fickle and free liquidity furnishes no exemption from organization. My dear anarchist comrades—at least some of them–ought to be admonished on this point and this point alone, namely for continuing to believe that anti-foundationalism doesn’t entail its own autonomous form of power and organization. In the end, anarchism is not so much the absence of government or the annihilation of a foundation — arkhe plus the alpha privative — as it is the adoption of a specific set of formal and political virtues (virtues which just so happen to resist established domination and undermine centralized authority). This is part of why disorder has a politics, precisely because it has no inherent political valence, and thus can and should become a site of struggle.

    If Golumbia overlooked anything in this long and thorough book it was no doubt the domain of artificial intelligence. I imagine he omitted any serious discussion of AI due to practical concerns; it’s a massive topic and would have compounded the book’s scope and length significantly. Yet AI fits the book’s primary thesis. Current generation AI is inherently cyberlibertarian because it requires enormous stockpiles of putatively free data, unfettered by regulations around copyright or restrictions over ownership. The fair use doctrine has been mobilized as a new form of corporate theft of common resources, so that “free speech” will now alchemically transform into a glass of “free beer,” but only for those culling the data and gulping its value. Marx wrote about “primitive accumulation” at the end of Capital, vol. 1; AI is just the latest wave of this type of accumulation by dispossession.[23] (In fact the theft of value from unpaid micro labor is only the most egregious violation in a long list that should also include the squandering of vast amounts of energy and natural resources. If the overdeveloped nations of the world weren’t hastening climate catastrophe fast enough, we’ve also invented robots to burn additional fossil fuels on our behalf. Suicide by proxy.)

    Here too we see a new order forged from disorder. I mean that very literally. Certain types of AI, diffusion models in particular, explicitly use randomness and other entropic phenomena during the process of image generation. Discrete rationality is sterile and deterministic, alas; it may only transcend itself via excursions into more fertile lands, what information scientists call latent space and what Deleuze called the virtual. Computers have long served as a special tool to leverage the distinction between the orderly and the disorderly, to form a bridge between these two domains. And the richest source of disorder is us, the users.

    Hannes Bajohr has brilliantly described AI image generation in terms of an “operative ekphrasis,” that is, the use of textual description to summon an image into existence, as Homer did with the shield of Achilles.[24] Everything inside a computer is text, after all, or at least a series of alphanumeric tokens (represented primarily as integers and ultimately as discrete changes in electrical voltage). There are no images inside the beige box, even when it outputs a synthetic picture. And yet the machine accepts commands (i.e. textual prompts) that actualize a single image from out of the near infinity of possible alternatives.

    Disorder in technical systems was first defined by one Ludwig Boltzmann. However, “no Boltzmann without Shannon,” as Friedrich Kittler once insisted.[25] The historical causality appears to be reversed. But is it? I imagine Kittler to have meant that the existence of Ludwig Boltzmann in 1877 lead naturally to the existence of Claude Shannon in 1948. And this is no doubt true. The mathematical definition of entropy found in Boltzmann was directly deployed, mimicked even, by Shannon in his definition of information.[26] In other words, disorder has a history, and it has a politics, but it also has a technology. And this disorder technology, this entropy technology, has been central to cyberlibertarianism from the outset. Encryption technology, the killer app of cyberlibertarianism, is simply unthinkable without technologies of disorder, specifically the ability to fabricate high-quality random numbers and the (practical) inability to calculate the factors of large integers. So AI synchronizes with Golumbia’s theme due to the rhetorics of liberation surrounding the extraction of value. But also through the more proximate connection of AI diffusion models that map between low entropy images and high entropy images.

    This is what I will retain most from Golumbia’s final work, that while the bobbles and trinkets invented by cyberlibertarians in Silicon Valley, Bangalore, or Shenzhen are touted for their ability to disorder the order of things, such disorder is ultimately a distraction. So here at the exit, let’s exit the concept entirely. Instead I prefer to insist that the apparent disorder at the heart of cyberlibertarianism, along with the apparent anarchy at the heart of anarcho-capitalism, are merely new forms of order. And this new order is also a clearly articulable form of power.

    Alexander R. Galloway is a writer and computer programmer working on issues in philosophy, technology, and theories of mediation.  

    [1]    See Kevin Kelly, Out of Control: The New Biology of Machines, Social Systems and the Economic World (New York: Basic Books, 1994) and Eric S. Raymond, The Cathedral and the Bazaar: Musings on Linux and Open Source by an Accidental Revolutionary (Sebastopol, CA: O’Reilly Media, 1999). Interestingly, “cathedral,” as a proper name for the structure of power, has also been mobilized by neo-reactionary authors like Curtis Yarvin.

    [2]    David Golumbia, Cyberlibertarianism: The Right-Wing Politics of Digital Technology (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2024), 62. Golumbia credits Langdon Winner for coining the term cyberlibertarianism in his essay “Cyberlibertarian Myths and the Prospects for Community,” ACM SIGCAS Computers and Society 27, no. 3 (September, 1997): 14-19.

    [3]    On negative liberty (the removal of freedom’s fetters) and positive liberty (the assertion of free conditions), see Berlin’s 1958 lecture “Two Concepts of Liberty” in Isaiah Berlin, Liberty (London: Oxford University Press, 2002), 166-217.

    [4]    Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944).

    [5]    Victor Hugo, Notre-Dame de Paris (Paris: Gallimard, 1973), 244-245.

    [6]    As Friedrich Kittler reported in an interview: “I was very pleased that Jacques Derrida, during a recent visit to the university in Siegen, actually uttered the sentence (after some questioning): ‘If there had been no computer, deconstruction could never have happened.’” See Friedrich Kittler, “Spooky Electricity: Laurence Rickels Talks with Friedrich Kittler,” Artforum 31, no. 4 (December 1992): 67-70, p. 68.

    [7]    Despite being a devoted user of Macintosh computers, Derrida had no real intellectual engagement with computation during this lifetime. Some notable exceptions exist including Béatrice and Louis Seguin’s interview with Derrida, first published in La Quinzaine Littéraire (August 1996) and later included as chapter three, “The Word Processor,” in Jacques Derrida, Paper Machine, trans. Rachel Bowlby (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), 19-32. I engage the relationship between Derrida and computing at greater length in a forthcoming essay titled “What are the Media that Determine Philosophy?”

    [8]    See Gilles Deleuze, “Postscript on Control Societies” in Negotiations, Martin Joughin, trans. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 177-182.

    [9]    Branden Hookway, Pandemonium: The Rise of Predatory Locales in the Postwar World (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999), 23. Like Golumbia, Hookway also passed away far too young.

    [10]   The urge to rank users into a specific set of hierarchical tiers based on captured data is expertly investigated in two recent works of social science: Marion Fourcade and Kieran Healy, The Ordinal Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2024); and Cédric Durand, How Silicon Valley Unleashed Techno-feudalism: The Making of the Digital Economy, trans. David Broder (London: Verso, 2024).

    [11]   For more on what he calls carceral systems, by way of Anthony Wilden’s important early text on digital theory, System and Structure, see Seb Franklin’s essay “The Pattern and the Police: Carceral Systems and Structures” in Parapraxis 4 (August, 2024): 109-128.

    [12]   Based in Santa Monica, California, the RAND Corporation was in fact not named after Ayn Rand, but rather as an acronym of “research and development.”

    [13]   Golumbia’s own leftist politics hinged on “the political, the social, and the human,” as he puts it in the book’s epilogue (Cyberlibertarianism, 401). Buy this he means fostering a robust democratic state, supported by strong public institutions and an educated citizenry. Golumbia was anti-fascist because fascism threatens that Whiggish ideal; he was anti-capitalist for the same reason.

    [14]   David Golumbia, The Politics of Bitcoin: Software as Right-Wing Extremism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2016).

    [15]   For more on disavowal as a psychic mechanism see Alenka Zupančič, Disavowal (Cambridge: Polity, 2024). The inverse relation between evidence and belief has also been a part of Slavoj Žižek’s intellectual project for many years. See, inter alia, Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 2009).

    [16]   Richard M. Stallman, Free Software, Free Society: Selected Essays of Richard M. Stallman (Boston: GNU Press, 2002), 43.

    [17]   Golumbia, Cyberlibertarianism, 24.

    [18]   The world’s most visible suck-up, Musk called himself a “utopian anarchist” in a tweet from June 16, 2018, while more recently favoring the descriptors “dark, gothic MAGA” at a Donald Trump rally held on October 27, 2024 at Madison Square Garden. Musk may be MAGA, but, dear reader, he is most certainly not dark, gothic, utopian, or anarchist.

    [19]   Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, trans. Samuel Moore (London: Penguin, 2002), 223.

    [20]   Todd May, The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist Anarchism (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2021). May’s argument remains relevant for a number of reasons. I will merely highlight one central feature of the book, how May explicitly characterized French poststructuralism as anarchist. As he put it unambiguously in the final sentence of the book, anarchism is the “most lasting … legacy of poststructuralist political thought” (155). Some will quibble over the deals, and a lot depends on how one defines the boundary of French poststructuralism; May’s references are predominantly Michel Foucault, Gilles Deleuze, and Jean-François Lyotard. But there’s no doubt in my mind that French theory, broadly conceived, illustrates the general migration, evident within leftist intellectual circles overall during the last fifty years, away from Leninism and toward anarchism, away from the red and toward the black. In a recent work, Catherine Malabou has also traced the peculiar relationship between philosophy and anarchism, with reference to both France (Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Rancière) and elsewhere (Aristotle, Reiner Schürmann, and Giorgio Agamben). See Catherine Malabou, Stop Thief!: Anarchism and Philosophy, trans. Carolyn Shread (Cambridge: Polity, 2023), along with an even more recent book on the question of property in the work of anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Il n’y a pas eu de Révolution: Réflexions sur la propriété privée, le pouvoir et la condition servile en France (Paris: Rivages, 2024). Golumbia was disappointed by Malabou’s June 14, 2018 statement in Le Monde titled “Cryptomonnaie, stade anarchiste du capitalisme” [“Cryptocurrency–The Anarchist Stage of Capitalism”], where she explained her interest in cryptocurrencies, and specifically her rationale for endorsing John McAfee’s “Declaration of Currency Independence,” a cyberlibertarian document. In fact a number of prominent leftist theorists have expressed an interest in crypto. See, for instance, Brian Massumi, who in his book 99 Theses on the Revaluation of Value: A Postcapitalist Manifesto (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2018) proposed a “maximally non-compromising, postblockchain speculative alter-economy” (20).

    [21]   These being the first and last lines of Tim May’s “Crypto Anarchist Manifesto” from 1992 (https://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/classes/6.805/articles/crypto/cypherpunks/may-crypto-manifesto.html). A whole study could be done on how engineers and entrepreneurs have adopted the literary genre of the political tract, while almost completely inverting the political impulses of the old avant-garde manifestos or revolutionary cahiers de doléances. Another such representative, also discussed by Golumbia, is the “Magna Carta for the Knowledge Age” co-authored by Esther Dyson, George Gilder, George Keyworth, and Alvin Toffler. This new Great Charter of Liberty opened by asserting that “[t]he powers of mind are everywhere ascendant over the brute force of things,” before lapsing into a fairly predictable form of pro-market libertarianism. See Esther Dyson, et al., “Cyberspace and the American Dream: A Magna Carta for the Knowledge Age” (http://www.pff.org/issues-pubs/futureinsights/fi1.2magnacarta.html).

    [22]   Which prompts the necessary inversion: I’m an anarchist, and I do want to pay taxes. In other words, the best kinds of anti-foundationalism revolve around an invigorated sense of responsibility and commitment, not the general dissolving of social bonds. See, for instance, Kristin Ross, The Commune Form: The Transformation of Everyday Life (London: Verso, 2024).

    [23]   In the first new English translation in fifty years, Paul Reitter has opted instead for the phrase “original accumulation,” arguing that it is closer to the original German while also avoiding unnecessary connotations suggested by the word “primitive.” See Karl Marx, Capital: Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1, trans. Paul Reitter (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2024), 650 and note i on 836-838.

    [24]   See Hannes Bajohr, “Operative Ekphrasis: The Collapse of the Text/Image Distinction in Multimodal AI,” Word and Image 40, no. 2 (2024): 77-90. According to Antonio Somaini, this kind of operative ekphrasis “does not describe pre-existing images but rather generates images by pre-describing them” (Antonio Somaini, “A Questionnaire on Art and Machine Learning,” October 189 [Summer 2024]: 112-120, p. 115).

    [25]   Friedrich Kittler, The Truth of the Technological World: Essays on the Genealogy of Presence, trans. Erik Butler (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013), 183.

    [26]   Indeed Kittler was less ambiguous elsewhere: “[Boltzmann’s] entropy formula is mathematically identical to Shannon’s later information formula” (see Friedrich Kittler, Optical Media: Berlin Lectures 1999, trans. Anthony Enns [Cambridge: Polity, 2010], 125). Although “mathematically identical” is imprecise even if Kittler’s sentiment was correct overall: Shannon’s formulation omits the Boltzmann constant, it uses log base two rather than the natural log (in base e), and it entails a summation of probabilities.

  • Nitzan Lebovic–Complicity 4 Our Time

    Nitzan Lebovic–Complicity 4 Our Time

    Complicity 4 Our Time

    Nitzan Lebovic

    One buoyant image I’ll remember from the Gaza protests of last spring is the photograph of students at Sciences Po in Paris flashing victory signs over a placard that read “Sciences Po Complice” (Sciences Po is accomplice). The sign hung, alongside a number of Palestinian flags, from the rail outside a university room they had occupied. The protest in Paris followed similar protests, and signs, carried by students in the encampment movement, or activists in the Black Lives Matter protest. Like them, it constituted a rebellion against institutional complicity. The image from Paris was burnt into my memory not only because France has often been identified with the starting point of revolutionary movements, but because it captured a cultural and a discursive shift regarding complicity, a rejection of the politicized opposition between perpetrator and victim, active and passive, action and inaction. But before we discuss the present investment in complicity, what is it, exactly?

    The Word

    The term complicity was first used by Thomas Blount, a reader of Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651), in his Glossographia, which appeared in 1656. Blount wrote: “Complices: from complex, icis: companions, or partners in evil.”[i] Blount reached back to the 1400s, when the term complicare was current, applying it to the mechanism that enabled the sovereign to overcome the danger of stasis, or civil strife. For Blount, and his friend Hobbes, civil war (1642-1651) and complicity with tyranny were not abstract threats.

    The word did not catch on immediately, but resurfaced in North America, during the early nineteenth century, to describe the accountability of the individual before the law. After 1945 complicity felt different: if for Blount complicity was related to a new understanding of sovereignty and “a complicit multitude for good or/and evil,” after 1945 the word was privatized: In the “subsequent Nuremberg proceedings” against Nazi industrialists and legalists, the military tribunals insisted on linking complicity in genocide to named perpetrators, rather than hosts of complicit actors, or corporations. It was a surprising but wise idea to include “complicity in Genocide” as article IIIe of the Genocide Convention (1948), but the meaning of “complicity” was not explained. Two years later, the US Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee conditioned its agreement to ratify the Genocide Convention by asking “the words ‘complicity in genocide’ to mean participation before and after the fact…in the commission of the crime of genocide,” so it is clear that the US, or its ally the West German government, cannot be accused of complicity. The Cold War made it necessary to separate the world into good and evil, right and wrong, Americans and Russians. Complicity changed its meaning yet again.

    Once it enters the language of modern power-relations, complicity grows like a fungus,  its etymological mycelia entwining (πλέκω, plékō: weave, tangle) social solidarity, cultural symbols, and political legitimacy. Within each of these elements complicity focuses on a short-term, present-oriented benefit. In other words, the political semantics of complicity follow its historical form as a passive-active entanglement that is always partial, and always hiding in the lowlands dominated by striking peaks. Digging it out means excavating a political mechanism buried deep underground. Complicity thrives where knowledge is suppressed. It spreads in hierarchical systems but is hard to explain if one looks for simple good vs. evil sort of rhetoric.

    Complicit Entanglement

    Complicity is a form of entanglement. It is impossible to understand complicity without knowing something about its context, the before and after of what one is complicit with. The writers who suffered the consequences of World War II knew that. They noticed that complicity proposes a better explanatory framework for atrocities than the usual focus on perpetrators and victims, leaders and the masses, generals and soldiers. The deeply traumatizing experiences the Jewish-Italian author Primo Levi analyzed in his writing, the dark coercive atmosphere the German author Hans Fallada portrayed in his novels, and the “perpetual state” the German-Jewish political thinker Hannah Arendt warned about were not the result of spontaneous acts of violence but the result of a carefully crafted system that made violence a condition. The Nazis made a systematic effort to blind followers to the act, while blaming its victims for it. As Levi wrote in The Drowned and the Saved, while gesturing towards T. S. Eliot, “most Germans behaved in the twelve years of Hitler, in the illusion that not seeing was not knowing, and that not knowing relieved them of their own share of complicity or connivance.” As for the victims, they “bind them with guilt, cover them with blood, compromise them as much as possible. A bond of complicity is thus forged between them and their masters, and there is no turning back.” Indeed, the Nazis made both their subjects and their victims accomplices to the crimes they designed planned and executed. Recent studies show that there were more Ukrainian, Romanian, and Baltic guards, Jewish capos, and simple German soldiers managing the killing than Hitlers, Himmlers, and SS sadists with whips. Said differently, though eruptions of evil tend to be associated with a single person, a single party, a single country, those who endure these crises know they can only happen when countless individuals—with and without jackboots—take on countless different chores. Complicity is moving on a spectrum, not a single static disposition. One can be actively complicit by aiding the criminal action, or passive as a bystander who ignores it and denies any knowledge of it. As Arendt explained, without complicity both totalitarian and liberal systems would break down, their terrorist or consumerist logic sapped of vigor.

    The most famous accounts of the Holocaust are taught as exceptional representations, the experiences of individuals. (We all know the name of Anne Frank.) Levi warned against this when he depicted the concentration camp as a “Grey Zone,” where victims were coerced into committing inhumane acts, with the implication that they shared responsibility with their torturers for what happened in the camps. Fallada’s protagonists experienced an emotional “state of emptiness” that made it possible for them to aid enthusiastic perpetrators, with or without agreeing with their ideology. And Arendt noted, in Eichmann in Jerusalem (1963), the different forms of “banality” with which Eichmann (who we now know was not just powerful but deeply committed anti-Semite)—and the Jewish councils he beat into docility—carried out the orders to transport Europe’s Jews to the death camps. But despite the efforts of some to insist on the uniqueness of their experiences, Levi, Fallada, and Arendt were not alone. Other postwar writers underlined the place of complicity in new forms of politics. In 1959 Eugène Ionesco, the French playwright of Romanian descent, nicknamed complicit behavior “rhinoceritis.” A few years later, Rolf Hochhuth accused Pope Pius XII of collusion with the Nazis (The Deputy, 1963). Shortly thereafter, Peter Weiss’s play The Investigation (1965) presented the accused in the Auschwitz trials as complicit with the Holocaust’s “industrial killing.” Ironically, it is precisely because complicity requires a context and a spectrum of, often conflicting, positions, that literature was quicker to realize its explanatory power.

    The Legacy of Complicity

    The lesson had not been learned. Since 1945, complicity did not just spread but it became the condition of our political lives. During the Cold War, intelligence services offered Nazi criminals impunity and prosperity. Later apartheid in South Africa (1948–94) and the ongoing colonization of Palestinian land (1948-present) met with self-serving justifications, and sometimes open approval, by the international community. By 1989, the anticolonial theorist Mihaela Mihai writes, complicity had turned into a social norm, “interstitial and anchored in a series of practices, relationships, attitudes, and institutions.” That same year, in South Africa the Durban Democratic Association declared, in a pamphlet titled “The State of Emergency Is beyond the Rule of Law,” complicity so evident and its attendent political condition, emergency, so normalized that the very purpose of emergency laws was to encourage complicity. And the Truth and Reconciliation report admitted the failure of the Commission “to spread wide enough its examination of civil society’s complicity in the crimes and misdeeds of the past.”

    One of the outstanding moments of the past year was Jonathan Glazer’s speech at the Oscars. By loitering in the walkway, potting shed, and bedrooms of the Höss family home beside Auschwitz, Glazer’s movie, The Zone of Interest (2023), spotlit the complicity of German civilians—even children—with all that happened on the far side of the garden wall. Philippe Sand’s The Ratline (2021) is dedicated to the family and friends of the Nazi criminal Otto Wächter. Paul Lynch’s Booker Prize–winning novel, Prophet Song (2023), focused on Eilish, a wife and a mother who’s doing her best to ignore a coming civil war, and whose father tells her, “You are lying to me, you are always lying, I knew you would be complicit in this.” All she wants is to close her eyes and nod off, so naturally she is told, “All your life you’ve been asleep, all of us sleeping and now the great waking begins.” Those who see complicity for what it is understand that change cannot occur without a complete shakeup of structures, without removing the agents of complicity from positions of power.

    And let us not neglect the academic discussion of complicity. After a recent wave of headline-grabbing resignations, the leverage elected officials and rich donors wield over university policies can’t be denied, the flipside of which is the presumption that deans, presidents, professors will wordlessly adopt the official line. Recent journal articles attest to the history of academic complicity, a given since neoliberalism brought university accountants to heel. For the political sociologist Thomas Docherty, intellectuals and academic institutions became complicit with power when they abandoned the vocabulary of dissent, adopting instead the lexicon of petty politics, social norms, and economic dictates. As Alice Gast, the president of London’s Imperial College (2014-2021) and a board member of Chevron, put it, professors are expected to behave like “small business owners.” Rather than offer a measured critique, business owners are expected to sell their products to customers.

    Michael Rothberg, an American professor of comparative literature, explains that implication, originated in complicare, forms “a realm where people are entangled in injustices that fall outside the purview of the law and where the categories into which we like to sort the innocent and the guilty become troubled.” John Hamilton, a professor of German and expert in classics at Harvard explains that “The complacent” [from the Latin verb placere “to be pleasing or satisfying”] are too “inappropriately pleased with [themselves] or with a situation to the point where any change, reconsideration, or improvement is dismissed as unnecessary.” He means his fellow academics.

    The historians of the Holocaust Robert Ericksen, Doris Bergen, and more recently Mary Fulbrook, updated the discussion of complicity and “bystanders” by applying it to those within academia who collaborated with the Nazi regime while “considering themselves respectable scholars.” The celebrated philosopher Susan Neiman argued, in recent articles to the New York Review of Books (October 23, November 3, 2023), that German institutions replaced their former complicity with historical anti-Semitism, with the Israeli apartheid. In a recent book, Maya Wind points to the deep and consistent complicity of Israeli universities with the security services and the occupation. Will universities learn the lesson its own faculty is warning them about? Probably not—there’s too much money at stake, as the baffling attacks on its own student bodies, in the different encampments and protest, proves.

    If change will not come from the academic institutions, where could it come from? The legal sociologist Francine Banner explained, “After decades of treating risks to society as stemming from individual bad choices, systems are being called to account for the risks created through processes of disenfranchise[ment]. . . . Complicity is at the forefront of these conversations.”

    The imprint of complicity is too visible to be ignored. After all, article IIIe of the Genocide Convention (1948) denounced “complicity in genocide,” and among those tried at Nuremberg were industrialists and judges deemed complicit in crimes against humanity. But the Genocide Convention did not trigger action against those complicit in genocides, and the big corporations that financed and armed Nazi Germany were acquitted or released with a slap on the wrist. A new branch of international law attempted—and failed—to figure out the right relationship between criminal law and complicity, but as the German legal theorist Helmut Aust explained, a “community-oriented law fails to provide convincing reasons why complicity is no longer to be tolerated in international law,” recommending instead a comprehensive international reform addressing state complicity. In contrast, Francine Banner’s freshly published book recommends a more cautious approach to complicity within the limits Aust identified as “community-oriented,” but also pointed out the failure of the justice system to take on complicity. She acknowledges that recent appointments to and rulings by the United States Supreme Court had led many interpreters to speak of “‘complicit bias,’ a recognition that institutions like courts are not neutral but play a significant role in sustaining inequalities.” So again, who will take complicity by its horns?

    Complicity 4 Our Time

    Complicity, complacency, and bystander are important categories because, as the historian Victoria Barnett observed already two decades ago, “they helped create a world in which genocide was possible.” Discussing “complicity” is not an easy task, and not only because we are not used to thinking of it as a historical category. Complicity adds another layer of institutional complication to an already dark story about the destructive character of humanity. More specifically, the question of complicity is relevant not only to the genocidal violence the US and the EU are currently supporting in the Middle East but to the planetary struggle against climate change. After all, lucrative weapon deals will not help fighting the massive process of desertification large swamps of the world is experiencing, at the moment. Not knowing complicity from dissent will not relieve us of our share of complicity or connivance with more and greater forms of destruction. The students in the encampments have shown us a different path.

    Nitzan Lebovic is Professor of History and the Apter Chair of Holocaust Studies and Ethical Values at Lehigh University. Nitzan published books about the history of life-philosophy and biopolitics, the history of melancholy, nihilism and catastrophe. His forthcoming book is titled Homo Temporalis: German-Jewish Thinkers on Time (Cornell University Press, 2025). For other essays of his about the history of complicity see Comparative Literature and Culture (2019), History & Theory (2021), and the forthcoming “Forms of Complicity: History and Law in the Kastner Affair” (Journal of the History of Ideas, 2025).

    [i] T. Blount, Glossographia; or a Dictionary Interpreting the Hard Words of Whatsoever Language, now used in our refined English Tongue (London, Tho. Newcomb, 1681 [1656]), 148.

  • Marc Kohlbry – The Last Manager (Review of Craig Gent’s Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work)

    Marc Kohlbry – The Last Manager (Review of Craig Gent’s Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work)

    The Last Manager (Review of Craig Gent’s Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work)

    Marc Kohlbry

    The common man wasn’t nearly as grateful as he should be

    for what the engineers and managers had given him.

    —Vonnegut (1952, 220)

    In early 2024, Bill Anderson, CEO of the pharmaceutical giant Bayer, took to the pages of Fortune to announce the end of management. Citing the difficulties posed to sustainable growth by cumbersome workplace bureaucracy and hierarchies, the op-ed details his company’s plan to fundamentally restructure 100,000 positions across its various business units. Under the banner of “Dynamic Shared Ownership,” Bayer will do away with 99% of its 1,362-page corporate handbook in hopes of becoming “as agile and bold as a startup” (Anderson). In its absence, employees will “self-manage,” forming “self-directed teams” endowed with the freedom to select new projects every 90 days and to sign off on one another’s ideas along the way—all “without a manager in sight” (Royle). This “radical reinvention,” he promises, will “liberate our people” and save the company upwards of $2.15 billion, notably by first liberating thousands of middle managers from their employment contracts.[1]

    While Anderson’s op-ed stops short of clarifying exactly how these self-directed teams will cooperate to achieve Bayer’s corporate goals (an equation typically solved by managerial personnel), a more recent New York Times article, “If A.I. Can Do Your Job, Maybe It Can Also Replace Your C.E.O.,” indicates what the means to such ends might be. There, journalist David Streitfeld suggests that emerging technologies, namely those driven by generative AI, stand poised to take over executive decision making by analyzing new markets, discerning trends, and communicating with colleagues. “Dark factories, which are entirely automated,” he ventures, “may soon have a counterpart at the top of the corporation: dark suites” (Streitfeld 2024).

    The rationale behind these structural shifts is simple enough: because middle- and upper-management positions are highly compensated, eliminating them can result in considerable savings for employers. Faced with a growing market bubble[2], companies like OpenAI might see in this an opportunity to deliver shareholder value by developing products capable of carrying out supervisory tasks and of supporting (that baleful corporate euphemism) workers’ efforts to manage themselves. As one former IBM consultant notes, the change delivered by AI in corporations could accordingly be “as great or greater at the higher strategic levels of management as [in] the lower ranks” (Streitfeld 2024). Indeed, for some, replacing managers with algorithms or LLMs appears as common sense: “[s]omeone who is already quite advanced in their career and is already fairly self-motivated may not need a human boss anymore,” intimates Phoebe V. Moore, a professor of management and author of The Quantified Self in Precarity: Work, Technology and What Counts (Routledge, 2017). “In that case, software for self-management can even enhance worker agency” (Streitfeld 2024).

    *

    But what might such changes actually mean for work and those who carry it out? Put otherwise, in taking up the managerial function, are information technologies truly capable of enhancing worker agency? Craig Gent’s Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work—an adaptation of his 2018 doctoral dissertation—responds by offering readers a powerful and timely excavation of how new workplace technologies are in fact making workers of all stripes less free—“not by chance but by design” (Gent 2024, 3). This “design,” Gent conveys across the text’s six chapters, is propped up by “algorithmic management,” “a way of organizing work in which workers are directed, monitored, tracked and assessed—all at once, in real time—by a computer system that doesn’t rely on a human manager to control it” (3-4). In an observation that recalls the motivations behind Bayer’s $2.15 billion experiment in self-management, Gent notes that, “for most practical work, human workers are simply cheaper, more reliable and easier to replace than robots” (4). Managers, it turns out, are not.

    Building on this logic, Cyberboss takes stock of the true consequences of work under algorithmic management, where “poor employment protections, high workloads and advanced technology conspire to create high-turnover jobs that come with a harsh toll of mental and physical exhaustion” (3). By concentrating his attention on these dynamics in the (UK) logistics sector (while acknowledging that they define the gig-economy as a whole), Gent identifies that the core goal of Cyberboss is to—as its epigraph from Mark Fisher would have it—“destroy the appearance of a natural order” held together by algorithmic power.

    In Chapter 1, “The Stakes,” Gent outlines three analytical strokes for fulfilling this goal. In the first, his study seeks to demystify the aforementioned natural order by tracking how contract workers are compelled to work in accordance with “objective” standards set by seemingly infallible calculations and analytics (3). Second, Cyberboss looks to illuminate a crippling blind spot of the contemporary labor movement, whose myopic focus on contract recognition and related concession that a company’s “right to manage” is “its business alone” both foster the unchecked exploitation of “flex” workers that is itself operated by management and workplace technologies (13). Finally, Gent endeavors to counter extant scholarship on algorithmic management in particular and gig-work more generally by identifying the limitations of calls for such technologies to be made more “transparent,” “explainable,” and “human-centered”; emanating from academics and trade unions alike, these demands, he will later insist, fall short by proposing a “technical solution to a political problem” (23).[3]

    According to Gent, what is needed instead is a “political understanding of algorithmic management on its own terms” (8). Yet, “it is important not to disappear into the abstract,” he cautions (23). Instead, “[b]ecause the politics of algorithmic management is so intimately entwined with the organisation of work, it is necessary to show how such workplaces function in practice” (23). To do so, Cyberboss concerns itself “more with discipline and management” than with wages or the effects of material precarity outside of the workplace (11). In sum, Gent explains, “I want to question what the stakes are for workers and work, and what it means for technologies of control and communication to be sites of struggle and contestation” (12). This line of inquiry ultimately permits Cyberboss to generatively account for how “workers are being managed by computers rather than replaced by them” “on the basis of cybernetic feedback loops” (6), then to reveal how workers are fighting back outside of the traditional organizational structures of the labor movement.

    To fully grasp how Gent arrives at these conclusions, it is instructive to read ahead to Cyberboss’s fourth chapter, “Technological Politics.” In this somewhat belated methodological introduction, Gent surveys several dominant views of technology’s relationship to sociopolitical dynamics. Judging “technological determinism,” “social determination” (109), and the “economic view of capitalist innovation” (113) as insufficient, he instead privileges a “theory of technological politics” aimed at accounting for the “political dynamics—in other words, class relations—that are immanent to technology” (114). In lieu of “saying technology is determined by political dynamics,” this perspective focuses on how “the scale, design or organisation of certain technical arrangements can engender technological imperatives that command particular social responses” (115).

    Rather than target capital’s conceptual abstractions, structural dynamics, or technical artifacts, Gent leans on the theory of technological politics to construct a markedly ethnographic methodology (119). “Uncovering the conflictual political interests that have been concealed, circumvented or naturalized,” he argues, “requires empirical investigation with the aim of showing that labour is never completely subordinated to capital” (132). The point, he continues, is not simply to understand relations of power, but to empower workers by unconcealing the “ongoing contingency of class struggle from within work, quite aside from any sweeping structural principles or managerial ideals we might identify” (133). Taking as a point of departure the so-called Trontian inversion—or, the insistence on “the primacy of working-class struggle within the development of capitalism”—Gent grounds Cyberboss in autonomist Marxism’s insights about how “the working class has political agency regardless of the conditions imposed upon it by either capital, the state, or traditional political vehicles such as trade unions or workers’ parties,” all while emphasizing workers’ ability to contest the dominative power of capital (117, 120). Indeed, he maintains, “the indeterminacy of technology […] leaves open the possibility that workers will contest managerial techniques as implemented through specific technologies” (123). With his sights set on the “indeterminacy” of algorithmic management, Gent finds in autonomism not only a political framework that registers how “technology is always subject to ongoing class struggle,” but a set of concepts and tools with which to effectively “develop an account of technology at work” (120).

    Among these, Gent singles out the workers’ inquiry (as developed by Romano Alquati in 1975’s Sulla FIAT) for its ability to trace “class composition,” a move that turns back the clock on post-operaismo by framing ethnography as a means of explicating particular sites of class struggle rather than zooming further out in an attempt to assess the composition of the working class as a whole (137). By centering pickers in UK distribution centers as well as couriers working for similar facilities or on lean platforms, Gent skillfully explicates how “capital and the working class are specific but relational” (130) by analyzing algorithmic management technologies as both “a prism through which to understand contemporary class struggle and an under-studied component of regimes of ‘control’ in contemporary workplaces” (137). Workers’ inquiries form the core of these analyses; however, they also serve as dynamic supplements to Gent’s assessments of the intellectual histories, media objects, and conceptual abstractions that gave rise to and continue to fuel algorithmic management. Woven together, these threads forcefully clarify the concrete fallout of this managerial mode as well as the forms of worker resistance that have risen to counter it.

    A pivotal moment in this approach comes in the third chapter of Cyberboss, “Management,” which details how algorithmic management “combines three key traditions in management thought: the scientific, the humanistic and the cybernetic” (65). Beginning with the observation that management is, “in its essence, a political project” representing “a formal and intentional division of power, information, communication and control in the workplace” (64), Gent momentarily brackets out the question of digital technology to trace the means and ends of the managerial function both historically and in the present. He begins by surveying the tradition of scientific management promoted by Frederick Winslow Taylor at the turn of the twentieth century. Understanding labor power to be a commodity that, when purchased, merely offers the potential for labor, Taylor identified the goal of management as the actualization of that labor power (68). The defining feature of this approach—or Taylorism—would ultimately be its deskilling of manual labor and subsequent separation of the conception and execution of work. This design made managers responsible for “applying detailed measurement to each element of work” (67). Under Taylorism, then, the managerial conception of labor consists of “the knowledge and planning of the labour process, the development of strategy” (76), while its execution is the eventual cooperative labor of workers themselves. Critically, the “knowledge put into the process by managers is initially gleaned” from the workers, which enables supervisors to “generate [the] general rules and targets that will govern the work process” (76-77).

    Gent continues his survey of capitalist management by registering an important corrective made to Taylor’s thinking by Frank Bunker Gilbreth, Lillian Moller Gilbreth, and Elton Mayo. In Gent’s retelling, this shift represents the “humanistic tradition,” which belies the realization that scientific management need indulge “the human factors of the labour process” (73). Together, these thinkers urged managers to concentrate on developing affable, personal relationships with workers in order to create “social units” in the workplace; Mayo, in particular, would identify sociality as workers’ primary motivation (73). This tradition would reach its apogee in the years following World War II, largely thanks to management innovations in Japan led by Yoichi Ueno and later by Taiichi Ohno, the father of Toyotism, lean manufacturing, and “total quality control.” These markedly humanistic upgrades to Taylorism, Gent explains, would break with the idea of a perfectible system by instead insisting on the continuous refinement of the labor process over time, or kaizen in Japanese (81).

    To these interrelated approaches, Gent adds an important third: the “cybernetic tradition,” whose principal feature is “the use of feedback loops to control or steer a complex system (in this case, a workplace)” (6). This name—from which Cyberboss draws its titular prefix—points to both total quality control’s roughly cybernetic nature as well as to the management theories that grew from the seeds sown by Norbert Wiener’s foundational 1948 text, Cybernetics: Or Control and Communication in the Animal and the Machine. “As an adaptive, continuous system,” Gent clarifies, “total quality control retains ideas from scientific management about the reformulation of knowledge to produce targets, but adopts a more holistic, and arguably cybernetic, form: beyond work rates, [it] is concerned with managing work relations through communication and delivering wide control to management through attention to intra- and inter-departmental dynamics” (82). “Cybernetic” management thus creates a company-wide circuitry of feedback-based control (called a “quality-control circle”) through which “management can control various aspects of the work process by communicating with workers and encouraging their cooperation” on the basis of the information gathered from those workers as they carry out their tasks (83-84).

    Further on, Gent turns to certain core thinkers of “cybernetic management” (namely Stafford Beer) to detail how, in viewing the firm as a cybernetic feedback system, this third tradition shirks purely hierarchical control and total knowledge of the work process to instead “exercise control […] by virtue of [managers’] position within communicative flows” (96). To illustrate how this approach underpins “algorithmic” management, Gent observes that the scanning guns used by Amazon pickers mediate a process of informatic feedback. While “the separation of conception and execution persists” and management was “still present [there] in a number of ways,” these Motorola WT4000 scanners would dictate to workers the next item to be picked all while displaying a real-time evaluation of their performance (88-91). Behind the scenes, the interface was tracking and collecting performance data and in turn using that information to adjust the labor process in keeping with established productivity targets. Yet even though (or because) “[n]o one could say how the […] targets were set” (101), each data-driven adjustment appeared as neutral, objective, rational, and, above all, “beyond question” (99-100). Further, while these workers at times would intermittently interact with a human manager, they were more often in communication with “the system,” another name for “a computer database (or databases) that manages stock or order progress, tracks the work of employees, time-stamps activity, calculates performance and assigns new tasks where necessary” (101).

    These ethnographic observations lead Gent to a series of sweeping theoretical conclusions about algorithmic management. In addition to drawing on “the separation of conception and execution advocated by Taylor and the continuous improvement impulse of kaizen,” digital tools such as the scanner mediate “performance-orientated feedback loops” all while introducing “new dimensions to the workplace that force us to rethink what communication and mediation mean at work” (105-106). In the logistics sector, these “new dimensions” weigh on managers and workers alike. For the former, technologies like the scanner maximize worker efficiency by leaving the calculative aspects of conception to algorithms, which frees them up to smooth out any kinks in the labor process through direct communication with workers. For these workers, the execution of labor comes to resemble what Jamie Woodcock calls the “algorithmic panopticon,” or a form of workplace governance without a physical managerial presence wherein interaction with digital interfaces and platforms contributes to a “feeling of being constantly tracked or watched” (107).

    Nevertheless, Gent insists that the control posited by this “algorithmic panopticon” is illusory, a position that he defends across the chapters “Algorithmic Work” and “Algorithmic Management.” In a way, these chapters take up the division of labor proposed by Taylorism, but in reverse: the first focuses more on descriptions and analyses of the execution of labor in the logistics sector, whereas the second concentrates on the means and ends of its conception (though, given Cyberboss’s privileging of workers’ perspectives, there is considerable overlap between the two). These examinations support Gent’s reasoning that “the principal idea governing contemporary logistics is to minimise ‘waste’” by (in part) ensuring that workers are as “productive as humanly possible” (16-17). This is where algorithmic management steps in: by assigning, administrating, measuring, and assessing this work in real time, its technologies

    cover the allocation of work, the direction of the employee towards particular items, the employee’s performance against a pick rate (itself set by the algorithm according to online order traffic), and the direction of supervisors towards workers who fail to meet targets. In such cases, algorithmic tracking and decision-making are either augmenting or replacing the traditional managerial or supervisory function. (26-27)

    Such an approach reduces logistics workers to a series of data points, or information, which is then measured on the basis of productivity targets and surveillance before being “fed back” into the system to maximize efficiency (and discipline workers who underperform) (28).

    To demonstrate how this takes place in the logistics sector, Gent elaborates specific forms of media that render workers as “tools of the algorithmic system” (40). Hardly dead media, the scanner, the barcode (41-42), digitally-augmented goggles (42), and even VR headsets (44) enable management to control individual workers by “transforming each […] into an embodied real-time data tracker” (42). The information gathered by such devices facilitates this determination in two movements. First, it allows “the system” to determine which workers will work and when; “[l]ike the goods in the warehouse, [these] workers are forever just-in-time” (152). Second, once workers are on-site, this same data is used to subject them to circular work patterns (a more concrete feedback loop), the instructions for which are set computationally and displayed on the digital devices themselves (147). “Much of the skill involved in successfully carrying out the work,” Gent goes on to highlight, “boils down to successfully acting on the basis of a digital interface” (149). This has the upshot of focusing workers’ attention on hardware and thus of minimizing communication between them (157). To prevent a total breakdown in sociality, then, the role of actual managers shifts toward “humanistic intervention” capable of ensuring that work (and its improvement) remains a “continuous process” rather than a “goal-oriented sequence” (169, 160). In sum, while “algorithmic management operates within a Taylorist paradigm, it signals a key development in terms of its ability to decentralise the managerial endevour by distributing power across the workforce in a more democratic way, but by way of a digital media infrastructure within which real-time cybernetic feedback loops produce a more generative form of control” (171).

    This new reality, Gent warns in “Guile Against Adversity,” “poses significant issues for how we think about the capacity of workers to exercise agency within the work process” (173): increasingly faced with a system able to “fill gaps in labour” and “redirect work processes to other locations in real time,” “we can no longer rely on forms of political mobilisation that have become our common sense” (176-177). Rather than lay plans for a future political strategy (predicated on unions, strikes, and so forth), this final chapter focuses on contingent employees’ resistance to algorithmic management in “actually existing workplaces” (203). Reframing instances of “everyday resistance” and “organisational misbehavior” (178) as “metic resistance” (201), or “workers’ guile,” Gent highlights “the use of situated wisdom and experiential cunning to seize or subvert, even momentarily, the current of managerial control” (203). But while such acts[4] are capable of “reappropriating personal dignity,” Cyberboss’s author also acknowledges that it remains an open question whether metic resistance—as well as the new forms of worker sociality and “chains of discovery” that make them possible (which he terms “metic commonality”)—can be “scaled up or generealised across a workforce as part of a collective endeavour” (198, 205). Still, “[b]y thinking about resistance in terms of metis,” Gent maintains, “we are forced to consider the situatedness of political action away from ideal types, such as those found in the organiser’s repertoire” (205).

    Beyond its contributions to our understanding of the gig economy and provocative assessments of the emancipatory possibilities available to workers under algorithmic management, Cyberboss also makes crucial interventions in pressing social-scientific conversations at the nexus of political economy and digital culture. Importantly, the text grounds scholarly interest in the logistics sector (as both a site of exploitation and a possible choke point for resistance) in what one might call a social history of algorithmic management—that is, a theorization of technology’s relationship to the capitalist division of labor rooted in actually existing workplaces rather than in idealism, however cogent its political leanings. This perspective informs Gent’s skepticism of “[a] growing number on the left [who] wish to see social movements emerge around the logistics sector” (60), which later leads him to conclude that locating the strategy of “fault lines and weak points” in logistics “falters against the scale of [algorithmic] managerial control” (202). One could certainly be persuaded by this point in taking seriously Cyberboss’s arguments; however, Gent’s account is also a complementary rejoinder to work on this subject by Aaron Benanav, Jasper Bernes, or Søren Mau, who have made incisive points about how, under capitalism, “mobility is power, and means of transportation and communication are weapons.” (Mau 2023, 273). To these more structural positions, Gent lends the voices of workers to reorient conversation toward, in the context of logistical power, what it is that’s to be done—though stops short of leveraging this essential move into an affirmative elaboration of the kinds of broader, coalition-based strategy that will be necessary to effectively fight back.

    Elsewhere, Cyberboss generatively nuances certain of Mau’s arguments about “economic power,” or that which is “not immediately visible or audible as such, but just as brutal, unremitting, and ruthless as violence; an impersonal, abstract, and anonymous form of power immediately embedded in the economic processes themselves rather than tacked onto them in an external manner” (Mau 2023, 4). Importantly for the present purposes, Mau postulates that management, or“[t]he authority of the capitalist within the workplace,” is the mere “form of appearance of the impersonal power of capital”; formulated otherwise, “[t]he despotism of the workplace is nothing but the metamorphosis of the impersonal and abstract compulsion resulting from the intersection of the double separation constitutive of capitalist relations of production” (233, italics in original). By this token, Cyberboss brings Mau’s cursory insights about how the managerial function directs economic power to bear on the question of algorithmic power, in turn pointing the way to a fuller understanding of how technology might mediate “mute compulsion” in the digitized workplace along “multifarious points of communication” (Gent 2024, 170). If “management at work is the primary means by which most people experience the phenomenon of capitalism in daily life” (65), Gent’s arguments suggest that, by replacing managers with technologies aimed primarily at the production of surplus value, algorithmic management presents workers with an experience of the value form that is paradoxically more abstract and concrete than that animated by previous managerial modes—more abstract because it is immaterial and non-human, more concrete because it offers a less mediated experience of the abstracting movements of capital. Here, more concentrated study of the place of technology in capital’s abstract domination of the concrete—particularly in the context of managerial practice—appears as particularly urgent.

    Gent’s study also vitally reasserts the centrality of management for cybernetics (and vice-versa), a point of convergence that is among the most enduring afterlives of the science; indeed, before migrating into anthropology, linguistics, or “French theory,” this model for communications engineering was motivating managerial thought and practice.[5] Read in this context, Cyberboss’s focus on “actually existing workplaces” provides a materialist explanation for the cybernetic underpinnings of contemporary capitalism, a welcome supplement to more recent studies of the ideological impact of the science of communication and control on neoliberal economics.[6] On this basis, Gent’s discussion of cybernetics underscores the need for research into how the science’s successive historical stages—i.e., first-order, second-order, or, later and by extension, systems theory—respectively modified the coordinates of the “scientific” and “humanistic” managerial traditions to which Cyberboss so urgently draws our attention.

    Further afield, Cyberboss should provoke similar (if perhaps uncomfortable) questions for scholars in the humanities. There, it is no secret that “cybernetic” thought has served as inspiration for a range of fields from posthumanism to poststructuralism thanks to the “ontology of unknowability” (Pickering 2010, 23) typically associated with cybernetics’ more reflexive second wave. With this in mind—and following Gent’s lead in registering that this same ontology has enabled capital to actualize labor power since the mid-twentieth century—one wonders about the extent to which some strains of humanities research have been unknowingly trafficking in managerial discourse for what would now amount to decades. Such a line of inquiry is only complicated by the fact that management scientists themselves have long-since realized the use value (and not simply the exchange value) contained in the thought of Michel Foucault (McKinlay and Starkey 1998), Gilles Deleuze (Linstead and Thanem 2007), or Judith Butler (Tyler 2019), as well as in certain fields often assumed to be the exclusive province of humanistic inquiry (de Vaujany et al. 2024).

    *

    Without undercutting its arguments or diluting its many contributions, Cyberboss ends abruptly. A three-page epilogue briefly addresses the topic of artificial intelligence by glossing the 2023 Writers Guild of America (WGA) strike and the demands made therein for the curtailment of AI use across the film industry. “The WGA,” Gent suggests in closing, seems to have understood what “other unions ought to”: “the infeasibility of leaving technology within the realm of corporate decision making” (Gent 2024, 211). Rather than content ourselves with this nod to generative AI, however, we should push Gent’s study further to illuminate the futures of work and component forms of exploitation that these technologies may make possible—some of which are already upon us.

    In early 2024, I received an unexpected job offer. The position—for which I had not applied—was that of an AI model evaluator with a company that I’ll call “Mute.” This was an opportunity, I read with some confusion, to “shape the next generation of AI with [my] expertise” while “enjoying the flexibility to work where and when” I wanted. Puzzled yet intrigued by how I might do so with a background in comparative literature, I accepted.

    It was not long before I discovered that the management of this work (which Mute refers to as “tasking”) was entirely algorithmic. Once I had created an account on the company’s platform and completed the necessary “enablement” modules, the system assigned me to a project, the two pay rates for which (one for “project” tasks and another for “assessment” tasks, themselves indistinguishable in all but name) were both conspicuously lower than the promises of Mute’s initial proposition. Undeterred, I clicked the “Start Tasking” button and a new interface appeared: at the top of this window sits a timer (typically longer than the maximum amount of time a user can be paid for—a detail buried elsewhere in a project description footnote) alongside a reveal of the task type at hand.

    For this first “Rewrite” project, Mute’s system instructed me to evaluate and improve single- and multi-turn LLM (large language model) responses according to the assessment categories of “instruction following,” “concision,” “truthfulness,” “harmfulness,” and the vaguer “satisfaction” (a catch-all for any issues that fail to fit neatly into another category). To move from one stage of a task to the next, I was required to “Verify” my recommendations by fixing any issues flagged by a series of inscrutable, AI-powered plug-ins.[7] Once my suggestions had been approved by these digital managers, I could “Submit” the task for evaluation by an anonymous “Reviewer”—a role, I learned following a later algorithmic reassignment, whose own tasks are evaluated by still other taskers using an identical 1-5 Likert scale. Regardless of one’s project or role, these scores contribute to an “Average Task Score,” which the system then uses to compute pay rates and assign future tasks, projects, and, if one is lucky, “bonus missions.”

    The managerial function animating this division of labor operates horizontally: thanks to the system’s opaque algorithms for allocating and evaluating tasks, each tasker is unknowingly managing the work of another. But this same process is also circular: because their communication occurs textually and is mediated by standardized assessment categories, Likert scores, and other veiled parameters, taskers are transformed into algorithmic managers; cloaked in code, they become indistinguishable from the LLMs they are training (who are training them in turn). This is evident as soon as one completes a first unpaid “enablement” program, at which point they are asked to assign it a rating between 1 and 5. Within this circuit, the question of whether tasks are being evaluated by a human or an AI (or, if they are being used to evaluate the work of one or the other) is thus irrelevant.

    While tasking on Mute is a solitary endeavor, it is still possible to communicate with fellow workers by clicking on a tab labelled “Community.” Doing so will launch an embedded Discourse forum featuring locked threads with updates and reminders about the project(s) to which one is assigned as well as open threads seemingly meant for more casual exchange. Among these is the “Watercooler Thread,” a name that cruelly parodies the social relations that have been dissolved by the machinations of algorithmic management. Indeed, every move on this platform is destined for capture and optimization; in Mute’s “Community,” for instance, taskers’ scrolling and keystrokes are tracked and calculated into a “Trust” level that will determine the threads and features (including personal messaging or the ability to post links) to which they have access.

    This brief window into Mute’s algorithmic management highlights the explanatory power of Cyberboss—even while revealing certain of its limitations. Though not pickers or couriers, for example, Mute’s workers are similarly directed, monitored, tracked, and assessed by non-human agents in real time. And, much as Gent describes of Amazon or Deliveroo, this company’s “system” facilitates the resulting flows of data through feedback loops intended to actualize labor power. In the absence of any discernible human supervisor, however, here AI stands in as the tasker’s last manager, creating an algorithmic panopticon wherein each is the source and subject of an automated mode of control. Alarming, too, is that the sociality shaped by Mute’s platform limits workers’ ability to fight back more comprehensively than a logistics facility might with its scanners and barcodes; for instance, even if taskers dream of staging a slowdown or mass log-off to improve their working conditions, every channel (and water cooler) for metic commonality is already subsumed by the system’s gaze. In difference to the logistical distribution of material goods that Gent analyzes, then, the algorithmic power governing Mute’s immaterial labor is hardly an illusion; rather, it is totalizing, a “quality-control circle” wherein each worker is compelled to (self-)manage.

    On a more speculative level, the possible ends of this self-management complicate Gent’s conclusions about the impossibility of automating the managerial function altogether. In sum, Mute’s evaluators are carrying out the microwork that maintains LLMs’ veneer of “intelligence,”[8] including editing responses for grammar and syntax, identifying and correcting hallucinations, and generating datasets through which such tools might be trained to better respond to contextual and affective cues. The technical name given to this more general form of labor—which, as one of my Mute training modules clarified, draws on taskers’ “human knowledge and expertise” to craft products “far superior to an AI like ChatGPT”—is unmistakably cybernetic: “reinforcement learning from human feedback,” or RLHF.

    But what of the products that these efforts might generate, and to whom could they be sold? After first being contacted by Mute, I quickly gleaned that the company is the labor-supplying subsidiary of a much larger B2B firm who counts OpenAI, Meta, Microsoft, and Nvidia among its clients. To prevent the most recent tech boom from becoming a bust, organizations like these have begun searching for ways to deliver AI solutions to businesses that will ensure model accuracy, secure company and customer data, minimize response bias, and, above all, feel irrefutably human. One path to this is the increasingly popular “retrieval-augmented generation” (RAG) approach, which allows the LLMs that it powers to retrieve information that is external to the datasets upon which they’ve been trained. In theory, AI infrastructures grounded in RAG can provide accurate and secure LLMs tailored to companies’ “enterprise resource planning” (ERP), “customer relationships management” (CRM), and “human capital management” (HCM) systems and needs. Conceivably, then, Bayer could hire Mute’s parent company (or one of its marquee clients) to build a RAG-powered LLM based on customized HCM datasets and the protocols laid out in their 1,362-page corporate handbook. By actualizing the necessary labor power correctly and at scale (e.g., by way of RLHF)[9], Mute’s algorithmic management could present IG Farben’s heir with its own algorithmic means of hiring, onboarding, and directing workers—or, of taking up the role of “humanistic intervention” to communicatively support self-management, much as AI is already doing for those of us on Mute’s lean platform.

    Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to hastily conclude that the algorithms fueling generative AI models and other digital technologies will soon (or ever) be capable of fully automating the role of management. This natural order Gent only partially decodes: because such objects will always require a self-organizing subject[10], we must summon whatever guile we can—together with the lessons of Cyberboss and the future work it should inspire—to collectively resist becoming our own last manager.

    Marc Kohlbry received his PhD in comparative literature from Cornell University in 2022. His research centers on the intersections of literature and media, digital culture, and political economy and has been published or is forthcoming in such journals as Social TextNew Literary History, and Cultural Critique.

    Thanks to Sam Carter for his incisive reading of a previous draft of this essay.

    [1] Shoring up stock valuations by cutting managerial positions is hardly novel, let alone “radical.” In 2023, for instance, middle managers—i.e., nonexecutives who oversee other employees—accounted for almost a third of global layoffs, with notable cost-saving measures being implemented at Meta, Google, Citi, and FedEx (Olivia 2024).

    [2] See Cahn 2024.

    [3] Relevant examples can be found in Rosenblat 2018, Aloisi and de Stefano 2022, and Ajunwa 2024.

    [4] These include “the exploitation of menu options to bring about breaks; the stealing and sharing of supervisors’ codes or computer log-in details; use of the knowledge of what supervisors can and can’t know, and how busy they will be at a given moment, to amuse oneself and create problems for the stock database; defiance of the narrow forms of communication demanded by interfaces; the shared experience invoked in slowing down to 70% of productivity, reasserting workers’ autonomy over performance; [and] the ingenuity of testing new equipment in order to find new ways to subvert it” (Gent 2024, 207).

    [5] For evidence of this, one might look to Norbert Wiener’s comments on industrial management (briefly discussed by Gent 2024, 12) as well as to Beer 1959.

    [6] For examples, see Hancock 2024, Oliva 2016, or Haplern 2022.

    [7] Frequently, these algorithmic management tools claimed that “AI [had been] detected” in an entry, an issue that I could “Agree and Fix” or “Decline”—there is no third option for informing the LLM that it was, in fact, mistaken.

    [8] See also Altenried 2020, Crawford 2021, 53-87.

    [9] At the time of this writing, these efforts—and any resulting profits—still seem out of reach. See Sam Blum’s recent reporting on the subject for Inc.

    [10] Still, the automation of management strikes me as somewhat more feasible than the “proletarianization” of artificial general intelligence (AGI) (Dyer-Whitheford et al. 2019, 135-138). For my thinking on the means by which digital interfaces might facilitate the former process, see Kohlbry 2024.

    References

    Ajunwa, Ifeoma. The Quantified Worker: Law and Technology in the Modern Workplace. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2023.

    Aloisi, Antonio and Valerio de Stefano. Your Boss Is an Algorithm: Artificial Intelligence, Platform Work and Labour. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2022.

    Altenried, Moritz. “The platform as factory: Crowdwork and the hidden labour behind artificial intelligence.” Capital & Class, 44:2, 2020: 145-158.

    Anderson, Bill. “Bayer CEO: Corporate Bureaucracy Belongs in the 19th Century. Here’s How We’re Fighting It.” Fortune, 21 Mar. 2024, https://fortune.com/2024/03/21/bayer-ceo-bill-anderson-corporate-bureaucracy-19th-century-leadership/.

    Beer, Stafford. Cybernetics and Management. English Universities Press, 1959.

    Blum, Sam. “‘It’s a Scam.’ Accusations of Mass Non-Payment Grow Against Scale AI’s Subsidiary, Outlier AI.” Inc., 14 June 2024, http://inc.com/sam-blum/its-a-scam-accusations-of-mass-non-payment-grow-against-scale-ais-subsidiary-outlier-ai.html.

    —. “Scale AI Lays Off Workers Via Email With No Warning.” Inc., 27 Aug. 2024, https://www.inc.com/sam-blum/scale-ai-lays-off-workers-via-email-with-no-warning.html.

    —. “A Scale AI Subsidiary Targeted Small Businesses for Data to Train an AI. Entrepreneurs Threatened Legal Action to Get Paid.” Inc., 28 Aug., 2024, https://www.inc.com/sam-blum/a-scale-ai-subsidiary-targeted-small-businesses-for-data-to-train-an-ai-entrepreneurs-threatened-legal-action-to-get-paid.html.

    Cahn, David. “AI’s $600B Question.” Sequoia Capital, 20 June 2024, https://www.sequoiacap.com/article/ais-600b-question/.

    Crawford, Kate. Atlas of AI Power, Politics, and the Planetary Costs of Artificial Intelligence. New Haven: Yale, 2021.

    de Vaujany, François-Xavier et al. Organization Studies and Posthumanism: Towards a More-than-Human World. London: Routledge, 2024.

    Dyer-Whitheford, Nick, et al. Inhuman Power: Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Capitalism. London: Pluto Press, 2019.

    Gent, Craig. Cyberboss: The Rise of Algorithmic Management and the New Struggle for Control at Work. New York: Verso Books, 2024.

    Halpern, Orit. “The Future Will Not Be Calculated: Neural Nets, Neoliberalism, and Reactionary Politics.” Critical Inquiry, 48:2, 2022: 334-359

    Hancock, Max. “Spontaneity and Control: Friedrich Hayek, Stafford Beer, and the Principles of Self-Organization.” Modern Intellectual History, 2024: 1–20.

    Kohlbry, Marc. “Technologies of Hope (Fiction, Platforms, Management).” Social Text, 42:4, 2024: 51-79.

    Linstead, Stephen and Torkild Thanem. “Multiplicity, Virtuality and Organization: The Contribution of Gilles Deleuze.” Organization Studies, 28:10, 2007: 1483-1501.

    Mau, Søren. Mute Compulsion: A Marxist Theory of the Economic Power of Capital. New York: Verso Books, 2023.

    McKinlay, Alan and Ken Starkey. Foucault, Management and Organization Theory: From Panopticon to Technologies of Self. SAGE, 1998.

    Oliva, Gabriel. “The Road to Servomechanisms: The Influence of Cybernetics on Hayek from the Sensory Order to the Social Order.”The Center for the History of Political Economy Working Paper Series, 2015, https://ssrn.com/abstract=2670064.

    Rosenblat, Alex. Uberland: How Algorithms Are Rewriting the Rules of Work. Oakland: University of California Press, 2018.

    Royle, Orianna Rosa. “Pharmaceutical Giant Bayer Is Getting Rid of Bosses and Asking Nearly 100,000 Workers to ‘Self-Organize’ to Save $2.15 Billion.” Fortune, 11 Apr. 2024, https://fortune.com/europe/2024/04/11/pharmaceutical-giant-bayer-ceo-bill-anderson-rid-bosses-staff-self-organize-save-2-billion/.

    Streitfeld, David. “If A.I. Can Do Your Job, Maybe It Can Also Replace Your C.E.O.” The New York Times, 28 May 2024, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/28/technology/ai-chief-executives.html.

    Tyler, Melissa. Judith Butler and Organization Theory. London: Routledge, 2019.

    Vonnegut, Kurt. Player Piano. New York: The Dial Press, 1952.

  • Matthew Potolsky–Decadent Style for Critical Finance Scholars: A Response to Signe Leth Gammelgaard

    Matthew Potolsky–Decadent Style for Critical Finance Scholars: A Response to Signe Leth Gammelgaard

    This response was published as part of the b2o review‘s “Finance and Fiction” dossier.

    Matthew Potolsky–Decadent Style for Critical Finance Scholars: A Response to Signe Leth Gammelgaard

    Signe Leth Gammelgaard’s “Flowers Without Meaning: Literary Decadence as Finance Aesthetics” rides a wave of work from the last twenty years or so that draws upon the longue durée history of capitalism to contextualize cultural production in innovatively materialist terms. Broadening its vision from the durable leftist influences of the Frankfurt School, Pierre Bourdieu, and Louis Althusser, as well as the deconstructive New Economic Criticism of the 1990s, this scholarship supplements questions of commodity culture, symbolic capital, ideology, and the nature of value with attention to global trade and conquest, modes of production, and the history of economic crises, often drawing on world-systems theory and theories of uneven and combined development as well. One keynote of this turn is the concept of financialization—perhaps most closely associated with the work of the economic historian Giovanni Arrighi—which directs special attention to the power of the financial industry and finance as such in the culture at large.

    The most impressive recent work on financialization has tended to focus on literature of the 1980s and after, a period in which finance capital grew in power and influence at a historically unprecedented rate. But Arrighi, drawing on the longue durée studies of global capitalism by Fernand Braudel, sees financialization as recurrent feature of capitalist development, and therefore as one that has marked earlier periods as well. In her essay, Gammelgaard notes that the European fin de siècle was just such a moment and proposes that we can gain insight into the decadent aesthetic of the 1880s and 1890s by seeing it as manifestly a product of the financialized age. This is a claim with which I agree, and which I have been exploring in different terms in my current book project. In this response, I want to highlight the value of the approach Gammelgaard sketches in her essay and reframe her argument in ways that, to my mind, even better comport with how late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century writers understood both decadence and finance capital. My largest claim will be that Gammelgaard’s account of decadent aesthetics should also be applied to the conceptual history of finance capitalism. Scholars of financialization can learn as much from decadence as scholars of decadence can learn from the literature on financialization.

    Let me begin by briefly summarizing Arrighi’s argument to highlight the importance of the fin de siècle to his conception of financialization and economic cycles more generally. Arrighi argues in The Long Twentieth Century that the history of capitalism has been defined by “cycles of accumulation,” in which a succession of hegemonic centers of global economic activity rise and fall as they pass from periods of material expansion, when these centers invest chiefly in production and trade networks, to periods of financial expansion, when they turn increasingly to banking, credit, and speculation. The end of each cycle foretells a shift in political hegemony from one world city, region, or empire to another. Genoa gives way to Amsterdam, which gives way to London, which gives way to New York. At the beginning of each cycle, what Arrighi calls a “long century,” technological developments, access to newly valuable natural resources, or political innovations propel a new region to productive supremacy. That supremacy eventually underwrites a new cycle of financial supremacy, during which money, going abroad in search of greater profit, leads to the decline of the current hegemon and funds the rise of another.

    As Arrighi’s history makes clear, and as Gammelgaard perceptively notes, the end of the nineteenth century was a period of financial supremacy, in which dramatic capital accumulation temporarily ensured British and European hegemony over the globe. Arrighi calls such recurrent periods “signal crises,” or, evocatively alluding to the fin de siècle and following Braudel, belles époques. The years after 1870 in Europe were marked by a succession of banking crises, stock-market crashes, and the so-called Long Depression, as well as by rampant speculation in overseas colonies and in large infrastructure projects like railways and canals. Gammelgaard accordingly reads Joris-Karl Huysmans’s classic 1884 decadent novel À rebours as a response to  economic reality that, despite its celebration of aesthetic withdrawal, is no less astute in its depiction of the financialized culture than stock-exchange novels from the period, like Anthony Trollope’s The Way We Live Now (1875) and Émile Zola’s L’Argent (1891).[1] Highlighting Huysmans’s descriptions of exotic flowers and the Latin language, Gammelgaard connects the novel with two coeval intellectual developments—Saussure’s structural linguistics and William Stanley Jevons marginal revolution in economics—that also point to a crisis of signification that reflects the abstracting character of finance capital.[2] Yet, while Saussure and Jevons lean into that abstracting character, Huysmans undertakes a kind of rear-guard action by insisting on the sensory and material, as if, Gammelgaard writes, he were “trying to figure out what to do with a materiality that can no longer really be understood through the models we know.”

    I find this claim compelling, though to my mind it leaves perhaps the crucial question posed by the essay largely unanswered: what is it about the concept, history, or aesthetics of decadence that allows it to speak so precisely to the conditions of financialization? Many other movements in the period were immersed in sensuality (impressionism) or fascinated with images of cultural disintegration (naturalism), so these characteristics do not obviously set decadence apart. Writers like Trollope and Zola confronted the effects of late-century financialization more directly, and critics like John Ruskin pilloried bourgeois capitalism in much more incisive ways than the decadents did. Indeed, decadent writers rarely concern themselves the financial life of their characters, though matters of wealth, debt, credit, and investment do arise in their works. So, what does decadence offer that other contemporary writers and artists do not?

    I want to offer two answers to this question. The first emerges from the literature on financialization itself. Since its earliest conceptualization, the notion of finance capital has been closely and persistently associated with the sense of lateness and decline. In the third volume of Capital, Marx casts finance as “the most superficial and fetishized form” of capital—a putative endpoint, in which normatively social (if alienated) relations are pushed to distorted lengths (1981, 515). Later theorists of finance capital like Rudolf Hilferding and Vladimir Lenin explicitly use the language of decadence to describe the phenomenon. In Imperialism: The Last Stage of Capitalism, Lenin describes finance as capitalism that has “grown ripe, over-ripe and rotten” (1917, 128). The word “last” (высшая) in his title is bitingly ironic in Russian, suggesting not just the end of a temporal sequence but also the characteristically decadent qualities of excess, exorbitance, and overrefinement. Arrighi, as we have seen, associates financialization with the decline of hegemonic regions, and draws his name for periods of signal crisis from the fin de siècle. In a passage that Arrighi cites as the inspiration for his project, Braudel calls belles époques “a sign of autumn,” an image that draws from the store of decadent tropes (1984, 246).

    Decadence, then, is not only an aesthetic of financialization, as Gammelgaard shows, but is also part of the received conceptual framework for describing finance capital, which emerges as a manifestly decadent object. Both before and after the fin de siècle, commentators have drawn upon the concept to explain the rapid changes in the class system and generalized sense of historical transition that characterizes signal crises. The most important modern theorist of cultural decadence, the Baron de Montesquieu, wrote his influential Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and their Decline (1734) in the wake of the so-called Financial Revolution in England, which created the Bank of England and authorized the sale of government bonds, and little more than a decade after the ruinous South Sea Bubble of 1721. In 1796, Thomas Paine published a pamphlet entitled The Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance that took aim at excessive government borrowing. Braudel’s studies of capitalist economic cycles were written during the signal crisis of the 1970s, when contemporary regimes of finance began to emerge. The pattern also holds true for our contemporary era of financialization, as in works like The Hunger Games series (2008-10), where the capitol of Panem evokes decadent Rome in both its name (panem et circenses) and in the stereotypically decadent ways of its residents. The titular protagonist of Glen Duncan’s The Last Werewolf (2011) is modeled in large part on decadent characters like Des Esseintes.

    We can draw two salient points from the persistent copresence of decadence and finance. Decadence, to begin with, provides a durable rhetoric and set of historical examples (above all, imperial Rome) for describing the excesses inherent to moments of financialization. As Montesquieu writes in his Cahiers: “in empires, nothing comes closer to decadence than great prosperity” (1951, 82). More significantly, though, it is historical concepts like decadence that allow critics to see signal crises as characteristic and recurring features of history, and not just as random accidents, signs of divine judgment, or evidence of human perversity. Tracing its lineage to cyclical theories of political history from antiquity and early modernity (Polybius, Machiavelli, Vico), the notion of decadence encourages commentators to assimilate present crises to past ones.[3] So, while financialization helps us historicize decadence, decadence also helps us historicize theories of financialization. In particular, it helps us recognize the ways in which such theories persistently frame rapid capital accumulation in terms of a familiar narrative of rise and decline. Decadence here is a cognitive map—shared by commentators on the left and the right—which interprets financialization in moral, affective, and historical terms. Finance capital is at once natural and perverse, the epitome and the exception, its demise both inevitable and richly deserved.

    The second answer to the question of why decadence would emerge as a key finance aesthetic during the belle époque of the nineteenth century can be found in the aesthetics of decadence itself. Although scholars have tended to associate financialization with postmodernism, decadence offers an even more apposite model. Gammelgaard directs us to the decadent fascination with the sensual, material, and hedonistic, which she sees as a response to the loss of meaning under the regime of finance. But there are many other ways in which decadence might be seen to thematize the logic of financialization. Consider the centrality of fiction, artifice, and the lie in decadent aesthetics. In his 1890 dialogue “The Decay of Lying,” Oscar Wilde argues that reality is the “solvent that breaks up Art, the enemy that lays waste to her house” (2007, 83). “Art finds her own perfection within,” he writes, “and not outside of, herself. She is not to be judged by any external standard of resemblance” (2007, 89). It is not difficult see a parallel between Wilde’s celebration of artifice and the characterization of finance as “fictitious” or “imaginary,” an entity opposed to what has long been termed the “real economy.” Finance, according to this pervasive opposition, is the unnatural product of art and human ingenuity, not of genuine human labor. Rather than lamenting such an apparent loss of materiality, decadent writers like Wilde parodically lean into it. They criticize novelistic realism for its retrograde commitment to fact and celebrate figures like the dandy, who treats life as a work of art. As Huysmans writes: “artifice was considered by Des Esseintes to be the distinctive mark of human genius. Nature, he used to say, has had her day” (2003, 22). He compares landscapes and sunsets to unimaginative tradesmen and shopkeepers—dealers in the wares of the “real economy.” The very difference between the “real” and the “artificial” that is foundational to traditional definitions of finance capital becomes an object of contemplation. By perversely celebrating art over nature, writers like Wilde and Huysmans thus anticipate Laura Finch’s observation that “The fictionality of finance is, of course, a fiction itself” (2015, 732).

    The decadent interest in collecting and collections, which scholars have long tied to nineteenth-century consumerism, might also be understood as a reflection on financial accumulation. The sheer materiality of a collection offers more support to Gammelgaard’s claim that decadence challenges the abstractions of finance capital. But collections evoke the logic of financialization on a different level as well. Joshua Clover has suggested that financialization engenders an “autumnal” aesthetic, which transmutes categories of time into space, dissimulating the labor-time that lies at the origin of value.[4] There is no better image of this transmutation than a decadent collection, which brings objects created at different historical moments and by different cultures into a single physical space. In his 1889 essay “Pen, Pencil, and Poison,” for example, Wilde draws attention to collections of his subject, Thomas Griffiths Wainewright, for whom “All beautiful things belong to the same age”: “we find the delicate fictile vase of the Greek … and behind it hangs an engraving of the ‘Delphic Sibyl’ of Michelangelo … Here is a bit of Florentine majolica, and here a rude lamp from some Roman tomb” (2007, 108-9). There are books by French poets, antique gems, and works by Turner. These objects are at once material things and evidence of the eclectic tastes of the decadent collector, whose curatorial eye subsumes temporal differences under the evaluative categories of the beautiful, the exceptional, or (like Des Esseintes’s plants) the perverse. It is such conceptual values—and not the monetary value of the objects—that justify their inclusion in the collection. In other words, the value of the collected objects, like that of many financial instruments, is more imaginary than “real.”

    Perhaps the most suggestive connection between decadence and financialization, however, lies in a key nineteenth-century analytical category that Gammelgaard’s attention to linguistic signification unfortunately obscures: decadent style. The major concept under which decadent texts were categorized by contemporary critics, decadent style was (at first) a denigrating name for literary forms that transgressed against classical harmony and simplicity. Bloated, unbalanced, and marked by a superabundance of description and erudition, this style, for critics, mirrored the pathologies of its age. In the single most important characterization of decadence, Paul Bourget describes Charles Baudelaire’s decadent style, in proto-Durkheimian terms, as an index of social of disintegration: the book gives way to the page, the page to the sentence, and the sentence to the word. Friedrich Nietzsche would famously borrow this definition to define Richard Wagner’s decadent style, and along with it the atomizing nature of democratic politics.

    The concept of decadent style was first proposed by the French critic Désiré Nisard in his 1834 study of first-century Latin poetry, Études de moeurs et de critique sur les poètes Latins de la décadence. When Bourget wrote his essay on Baudelaire, he was appropriating a term that was already well-established in French critical discourse. Writing at a moment that Marx, in The Class Struggles in France (1850), associates with the rise of the “finance aristocracy,” Nisard casts the style of poets like Lucan as a figure both for the decline of the Roman Empire and for the economic conditions of his own age. Marx sees the finance aristocracy as a bourgeois equivalent of the Lumpenproletariat—a group made up of former outsiders (primarily Jews, he notes), who improbably ascended to the height of cultural power after the 1830 July Revolution. Nisard sees something similar in ancient Rome. Arriving in the imperial metropole from colonial outposts in Iberia and North Africa, decadent Latin poets like Lucan and Martial subjected hallowed Roman literary traditions to their (bad) provincial taste, casting it in what Nisard terms “the bizarre jargon of the marketplace” (1834, I, 129). Nisard concludes his study with a comparison between decadent Roman poets and “decadent” contemporaries like Victor Hugo, whose poetic innovations he accuses of the same excessive reliance on description and empty erudition as his ancient forbears.

    Read together, Nisard and Marx bring out something about financialized moments that does not often receive its due in critical finance studies: their disruption of the existing class structure. Finance elevates certain outsiders to new positions of privilege, for which they quickly come under attack by rival classes, who decry their “decadent” ways. Decadence in this case is the name given to formerly marginal members of society who have begun making their mark on a conceptual order that treats certain traditions, whether literary or economic, as unquestionably natural. While Nisard saw decadent style as something to be lamented, later decadent writers like Huysmans and Wilde, working in yet another moment of financialization, saw it as a cause for celebration. Des Esseintes’s Latin library, described in chapter three of À rebours, explicitly repudiates the scions of the Golden Age (Cicero, Horace, Virgil) in favor of precisely those “lumpen” outsiders like Lucan that Nisard and other critics of late-Latin style rejected. The sexologist and social reformer Havelock Ellis crystalized just this attitude when he compared Huysmans’s decadent style with the “fantastic mingling of youth and age, of decayed Latinity, of tumultuous youthful Christianity” that characterized African writers like Tertullian and Augustine (1898, 158). For Ellis, early Christianity embodies a condition of uneven and combined cultural development that anticipates the fin-de-siècle belle époque.[5]

    Like many other fin-de-siècle decadent writers—most of them queers, provincials, colonial subjects, and foreigners—Huysmans turns Nisard’s diagnostic category inside out, rendering what is typically a conservative cultural diagnosis potentially radical. The striking disruptions to the class structures that shape the culture of a belle époque may elicit apocalyptic prognostications from traditionalists (of all political stripes), but they also open up new possibilities for the formerly marginalized. This was certainly true of the fin de siècle, which saw the emergence of modern queer identity and the beginnings of anticolonial movements. Despite its common association with philosophical pessimism, the decadent aesthetic speaks to just this sense of new possibility. Condemnations of finance as the “last” or a “late” version of capitalism, which adopt the language of decadence only as a theory of bitter ends, crucially miss its longstanding association with new beginnings. As Neville Morely has put it, decadence “marks the moment when the future begins to come within reach, the point where the present weakens enough to make an alternative conceivable” (2004, 574).

    In “Culture and Finance Capital,” his influential review of The Long Twentieth Century, Fredric Jameson, providing yet another example of the decadent logic of finance, maps Arrighi’s theory of economic cycles onto the familiar stylistic trinity of realism, modernism, and postmodernism. Each step in the stylistic sequence, Jameson argues, is marked by increasing abstraction, reflecting the growing dominance of finance capital. While realism retains a residual commitment to the concrete, modernism frees form and color from their dependence on objects, and postmodernism, as the terminal point in this evolution, detaches artistic styles entirely from their connection to history. Jameson gave no attention to decadent style in his essay, but he should have.[6] More, perhaps, than any modern literary and artistic style, decadence is attuned to historical repetition, and since its earliest adumbration in the 1830s has been understood as the recurrent mark of so-called “decadent” ages—beginning, of course, with the paradigmatic case of imperial Rome. Jameson’s progressive narrative of stylistic change overlooks the cyclical nature of financialization in ways that closer attention to decadent writing would have precluded. The long twentieth century, as I noted above, raised financial markets to unprecedented prominence, but this is only an intensification of economic circumstances that have analogies in other long centuries, something both Arrighi and Braudel insist upon in their longue durée histories of capitalism. Indeed, as theorists from Paine to Lenin to Arrighi himself seem to recognize, if only at the level of imagery, decadence is the house style of financialization. Hence my concluding point: Not only should scholars of decadence follow Gammelgaard’s lead and attend closely to the literature on financialization, but scholars interested in financialization would learn much by attending more closely to the literature on and of decadence.

    Matthew Potolsky is Professor of English at the University of Utah, where he teaches nineteenth-century literature and literary theory. He is the author of three scholarly monographs: Mimesis (2006), The Decadent Republic of Letters: Taste, Politics, and Cosmopolitan Community from Baudelaire to Beardsley (2013), and The National Security Sublime: On the Aesthetics of Government Secrecy (2019). He is also the editor of Classical Studies (2021), the eighth volume of Oxford University Press’ The Collected Works of Walter Pater; and co-editor of Perennial Decay: On the Aesthetics and Politics of Decadence (1999).

    References

    Arrighi, Giovanni. 2010. The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power and the Origins of Our Times. London: Verso.

    Braudel, Fernand. 1984. Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, III: The Perspective of the World, translated by Siân Reynolds. New York: Harper and Row.

    Clover, Joshua. 2011. “Autumn of the System: Poetry and Finance Capital.” Journal of Narrative Theory 41, no. 1: 34-52.

    Dowling, Linda. 1983. Language and Decadence in the Victorian Fin de Siècle. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

    Ellis, Havelock. 1898. Affirmations. London: Walter Scott.

    Esty, Jed. 2016. “Realism Wars.” Novel: A Forum on Fiction 49, no. 2: 316-42.

    Finch, Laura. 2015. “The Un-real Deal: Financial Fiction, Fictional Finance, and the Financial Crisis.” Journal of American Studies 49, no. 4: 731-53.

    Gagnier, Regenia. 2000. The Insatiability of Human Wants: Economics and Aesthetics in Market Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Gaillard, Françoise. 1980. “A rebours ou l’inversion des signes.” In L’Esprit de la décadence I. Nantes: Minard.

    Gasché, Rodolphe. 1988. “The Falls of History: Huysmans’s A rebours.” Yale French Studies 74: 183–204.

    Huysmans, Joris-Karl. 2003. Against Nature (À Rebours), translated by Robert Baldick. London: Penguin.

    Jameson, Fredric. 1997. “Culture and Finance Capital.” Critical Inquiry 24, no. 1: 246-65.

    Lenin, Vladimir. 1917. Imperialism: The Last Stage of Capitalism. London: Communist Party of Great Britain.

    Marx, Karl. 1960. The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House.

    Marx, Karl. 1981. Capital, Vol. 3, translated by David Fernbach. London: Penguin.

    Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat. 1951. Cahiers (1716-1755), edited by Bernard Grasset. Paris: Grasset.

    Morely, Neville. 2004. “Decadence as a Theory of History.” New Literary History 35, no. 4: 573-85.

    Nisard, Désiré. 1834. Études de moeurs et de critique sur les poètes Latins de la décadence. 3 vols. Brussels: Louis Hauman.

    Sewell, William H. 2012. “Economic Crises and the Shape of Modern History.” Public Culture 24, no. 2: 303-27.

    Spackman, Barbara. 1999. “Interversions.” In Perennial Decay: On the Aesthetics and Politics of Decadence, edited by Liz Constable, Dennis Denisoff, and Matthew Potolsky, pp. 35-49. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

    Wilde, Oscar. 2007. The Complete Works of Oscar Wilde, IV: Criticism, edited by Josephine M. Guy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    [1] Extending her claim, we might also place À rebours in the company of more recent finance-era classics like Tom Wolfe’s The Bonfire of the Vanities (1987) and Bret Easton Ellis’s American Psycho (1991), both of which recall fin-de-siècle forbears.

    [2] Gammelgaard treads overfamiliar terrain here. The comparison of Jevons and Saussure recapitulates the insights of the New Economic Criticism; Gagnier (2000) explores the connection between fin-de-siècle writing and the marginal revolution; Dowling (1983) finds a key to decadent aesthetics in the history of linguistics. Other scholars—notably Gaillard (1980), Gasché (1988), and Spackman (1999)—explore the unusual workings of language and signification in Huysmans’s novel.

    [3] On the extent to which economic crises function as historical events, see Sewell.

    [4] Clover associates the term with W.B. Yeats, a writer deeply influenced by 1890s poetry, but finds his chief examples of autumnal style in postmodern figures like Pynchon and Ashbury.

    [5] In his 1895 introduction to The Class Struggles in France, Friedrich Engels compares contemporary socialists to early Christians: “The Emperor Diocletian could no longer quietly look on while order, obedience and discipline in his army were being undermined…He promulgated an anti-Socialist—beg pardon, I meant to say anti-Christian—law” (1960, 41). The origin for this analogy is probably Ernest Renan, but it was clearly popular at the fin de siècle. It is worth asking, in this regard, whether Leon Trotsky’s theory of uneven and combined development might not also have a decadent lineage. Trotsky’s literary criticism from the 1920s demonstrates an extensive knowledge (mostly critical) of fin-de-siècle literary forms, and his familiarity with such works might well have inflected his discussion of the peculiarities of Russian development in The History of the Russian Revolution (1930). He offers there a strikingly “decadent” theory of economic development.

    [6] Jameson does make a surprising reference to Wilde in “Culture and Finance Capital.” Noting that Marxist critics have tended to avoid the exploring the stylistic implications of modes of production because it requires too many mediations, he writes that this avoidance is “no doubt in the spirit in which Oscar Wilde complained that socialism required too many evenings” (1997, 253). Gammelgaard’s account of decadence, it is worth noting, would, in Jameson’s sequence, be most akin to realism. For an effort to think cyclically about the resonances of fin-de-siècle forms, specifically about their opposition to realism, see Esty (2016).

  • Signe Leth Gammelgaard–Flowers Without Meaning: Literary Decadence as Finance Aesthetics

    Signe Leth Gammelgaard–Flowers Without Meaning: Literary Decadence as Finance Aesthetics

    This article was published as part of the b2o review‘s “Finance and Fiction” dossier. The dossier includes a response to this article by Matthew Potolsky. 

    Signe Leth Gammelgaard–Flowers Without Meaning: Literary Decadence as Finance Aesthetics

    In chapter eight of Joris-Karl Huysmans’s À rebours, the protagonist Jean Des Esseintes muses on his collection of hothouse flowers. The novel is one of the most prominent examples of the literary decadence of the late nineteenth century and such artificially cultivated flowers (as well as the hothouse itself) are a recurrent motif in decadent literature. In his “Préface écrit vingt ans après le roman” Huysmans himself describes the flowers of À rebours as “aphonic” or “mute” (atteinte d’alabie, muette). This imagery of organic flowers, cultivated to mimic artificial flowers as the text explains, conjures up a rather striking scene which epitomizes the decadent aesthetic. This aesthetic can be understood, I want to propose, in light of contemporaneous economic developments, specifically the intensification of the impact of finance – as portrayed in other literary works from the same period, for instance the classic stock-exchange novels of Émile Zola’s L’Argent or Anthony Trollope’s The Way We Live Now.

    In what follows, I use Giovanni Arrighi’s model of financial expansion as a recurrent phenomenon throughout the history of capitalism. The final decades of the nineteenth century were one period of such expansion, where a major part of the money capital became invested rather in financial instruments and assets than in material production. The late nineteenth century, then, in some ways productively mirrors our current period of financialization which began in the 1970s, even if it is not understood as the same period of financial expansion in Arrighi’s framework (Arrighi 2010, 6–7). The significant rise in the impact of finance in the latter half of the nineteenth century occurred especially in the imperial centers of France and Britain. This rise has been portrayed in various ways in the literature of the period, and particularly within the framework of the realist novel, a subject of numerous studies in the past decades. In new economic criticism, the Victorian period specifically has been the focus of several important works, like Mary Poovey’s Genres of the Credit Economy and Catherine Gallagher’s The Body Economic. However, less attention has been paid to the literary fin de siècle, the stylistic developments of decadence and aestheticism.

    In this article, I propose to outline some key parallels between the aesthetic traits of these movements and the concurrent development in the economic system, in particular the steady rise of financial instruments, trades, and structures. I start by analyzing the core decadent aesthetics traits as opposed to earlier realist aesthetics, and then contextualize these by their relationship to the development of Ferdinand de Saussure’s structural linguistics. I then show how Saussure’s linguistics parallel another theoretical shift, namely the marginal revolution in economic theory. Finally, I will examine how these three shifts respond to larger economic trends in the period; specifically, the switch from an emphasis on material production to an emphasis on financial investment and instruments.

    The parallels between linguistic and economic systems have been illuminated before. My central point in this article is that the decadent aesthetics, specifically, render a representational shift in a way that generates an existential and perceptive view on this period and on its changes in both economics and language; namely a loss of meaning. It also presents a strategy of response to such a situation in the form of a renegotiation of the relationship between signs and material reality.

    The mute flowers of decadence

    Huysmans’s À rebours is a peculiar novel. While it has often been described as plotless,[1] the frame of the narrative in fact provides a simple storyline and the epitome of a decadent one at that. As the last scion of an old, degenerated family, Jean Des Esseintes delves into various extreme and debauched lifestyles before he, weary with the depraved Paris life, retreats to a house he buys outside the city, in Fontenay. The majority of the book details his decorating of this house and his aesthetic choices and sensory experiences with various stimulants: art, literature, colors, interior design, gemstones, flowers, music, perfumes, culinary delights. Finally, however, his body is worn out by his excessive enjoyment, and he is urged by his doctors to return to a normal life and “to enjoy himself, in short, like other people” (Huysmans 2009a, 173).

    The flower chapter outlines very clearly how these aesthetic experiences work. It opens by stating that, though Des Esseintes has “always adored flowers” he is now only interested in one kind: the hothouse flowers. The passage outlines this development: after his love of real flowers, he had, in his previous life in Paris and in line with his “natural inclination towards artifice,” amassed a large collection of artificial flowers “faithfully imitated thanks to the miracles of gums and threads, percalines and taffetas, papers and velvet” (Huysmans 2009a, 72–73). However, with his move to Fontenay, a new phase emerges and the narrator comments regarding the artificial flowers: “He had long been fascinated by this wonderful art-form; but now he dreamt of planning a different kind of flora. After having artificial flowers that imitated real ones, he now wanted real flowers that mimicked artificial ones” (Huysmans 2009a, 73). As such, the hothouse blooms become an almost parodical expression of a crisis of representation, with plants cultivated artificially in “the carefully measured warmth of stoves” (Huysmans 2009a, 72), to look like fake ones, that in turn look like real ones.

    Des Esseintes tours the horticulturalists of the area of Fontenay and orders a collection of plants. When they arrive, the narrative describes how some “were extraordinary, pinkish in colour, like the Virginal which looked like it had been made out of oilcloth or court plaster; some were entirely white, like the Albany, which could have been cut from the transparent pleura of an ox,” some “mimicked zinc, parodying pieces of punched metal that had been dyed Emperor green and stained with drops of oil-paint and splashes of red and white lead” (Huysmans 2009a, 73–74). As such, the sensory impression of the flowers takes center stage: how they look and what they look like. Conversely, the narrative does not in any way refer to the symbolic language of flowers, that is, metaphoric, traditional or symbolic meanings of love, hope or virtue.

    This point is at the center of both Suzanne Braswell’s and Robert Ziegler’s analysis of the hothouse flowers of À rebours. Ziegler underscores, by reference to Huysmans’s own preface from twenty years later and thus written after his conversion to Catholicism, precisely the muteness of the flowers (Ziegler 2015, 51–52). In this Préface écrit vingt ans après le roman,” Huysmans notes:

    It would have been difficult, in that novel, to endow an aphonic flower, a mute flower, with speech, for the symbolic language of plants died with the Middle Ages and the exotic flora dear to Des Esseintes were not known to the allegorists of that age. (Huysmans 2009b, 190)

    Ziegler’s analysis portrays this muteness through comparison to Huysmans’s later work, in particular the novel La Cathédrale, where the flowers and plants have become re-endowed with meaning through the work of religion, through Huysmans’s conversion. However, as the quotation shows, the mute flowers adhere to a modern condition, albeit the modernity that began already with the end of the Middle Ages.

    Braswell’s analysis takes a broader view on this modernity and traces discourses on the symbolic language-of-flowers. Her reading stresses specific changes in these discourses precisely towards the end of the nineteenth century and she argues that, while Stéphane Mallarmé’s work nuances and elaborates the earlier traditions, the flowers in À rebours in turn “attack the tradition and parody its discourses, particularly those promoting the healthful and chaste aspects of horticulture” (Braswell 2013, 76, 83). The point that emerges is that these elaborate, exotic, and artificially cultivated plants have become such a perverse manifestation that they no longer signify; rather, they look like various forms of dying or diseased flesh, rendering distinct “necrotic dimensions” as Braswell terms it (Braswell 2013, 83). In the novel, this is seen in the passage on the next round of flowers to arrive:

    they simulated the appearance of fake skin scored by artificial veins; and the majority, as though eaten away by syphilis and leprosy, exhibited livid flesh marbled with roseola and damasked with dartres; others were the bright pink of scars that are healing, or the browning tint of scabs in the process of forming; others were blistering from cautery or puffing up from burns (Huysmans 2009a, 74).

    This imagery of decaying organisms, diseased tissue and putrefying flesh, however, links the floral passages to linguistic developments as they are described both in À rebours and in the movement of decadence more generally. In a previous chapter Des Esseintes meditates on his literary preferences, specifically among the Latin authors of the Roman decadence. Here, the narrator explains that:

    Des Esseintes’s interest in the Latin language remained undiminished, now that it hung like a completely rotted corpse, its limbs falling off, dripping with pus, and preserving, in the total corruption of its body, barely a few firm parts, which the Christians took away to steep in the brine of their new idiom. (Huysmans 2009a, 31)

    The advent of Christianity is given a key role in the development where the language of the Pagan Rome “decomposed like venison,” in fact “falling apart at the same time as the civilization of the Ancient World crumbled into dust, at the same time as the Empires, rotted by the putrefaction of the centuries, collapsed under the onslaught of the Barbarians” (Huysmans 2009a, 28).

    The decadence of a civilization is thus matched by the decadence of its linguistic forms – forms that are in turn described in the same language as the appearance of the mute flowers, the flowers that have lost their metaphorical meanings. However, the idea of a decomposing organism of language is not specific to Huysmans. Indeed, in his Decadence and the Making of Modernism, David Weir comments on an earlier example of decadent criticism, namely Theophile Gautier’s essay on Baudelaire from 1868 (Weir 1995, 88–89). In this essay, Gautier, similar to Des Esseintes’s reflections, connect the decadent Latin literature to the literature of his own time. Moreover, he examines Baudelaire’s relationship to the “masters of the past,” in whom he cannot find an adequate model for his own period, since these masters had been born “when the world was young,” and “when as yet nothing had been expressed” (Gautier 1908, 38). Gautier writes further:

    The great commonplaces that form the main stock of human thought were then in their first flush, and sufficed for simple geniuses addressing a people yet childish. But by dint of being repeated, these general poetic themes had become worn, like coins that have been too long in circulation and have lost their sharpness of outline; besides, life has become more complex, contains more notions and ideas, and is no longer sufficiently reproduced in artificial compositions inspired by the spirit of another age. (Gautier 1908, 38)

    The metaphor of the worn-out coin instantly establishes a parallel between the representational system of money, and that of language. In the original French the wording is “perdent leur empreinte” rather than “lost their sharpness of outline”, so the image underscores how the coins have gradually lost their imprint, their stated value, effecting a mismatch between the form and content of the coin: its “meaning” has been skewed. The passage thus describes a shift in representation, and Gautier links this shift to a decadent Zeitgeist.

    With recourse to Roland Barthes’s “L’Effet de réel,” this gap between form and content can be inscribed in a larger narrative. While Barthes’s short essay revolves mainly around his conception of the reality effect, towards the end of the text he speculates on a more general meaning of this particular effect. He argues that realism, conceived around the notion of this reality effect, is in fact a forerunner to the problematized representation of his own time, described in Barthes’s words as a “disintegration of the sign – which seems indeed to be modernity’s grand affair” (Barthes 2006, 234). Furthermore, he states, “the goal today is to empty the sign and infinitely to postpone its object so as to challenge, in a radical fashion, the age-old aesthetic of ‘representation’” (Barthes 2006, 234).

    Barthes describes the concept of the reality effect, key to his understanding of realism, in a way that aligns with the decadent aesthetic seen in Huysmans’s flowers, namely that of a mute, unsignifying materiality. The reality effect thus invokes the material world not to signify anything specifically in a narrative context but merely to denote the reality of the stated utterance. Barthes writes:

    Semiotically, the “concrete detail” is constituted by the direct collusion of a referent and a signifier; the signified is expelled from the sign, and with it, of course, the possibility of developing a form of the signified, i.e., narrative structure itself. […] in other words, the very absence of the signified, to the advantage of the referent alone, becomes the very signifier of realism: the reality effect is produced, the basis of that unavowed verisimilitude which forms the aesthetic of all the standard works of modernity. (Barthes 2006, 234)

    What Barthes describes here is essentially a “flat” material world, a disenchanted and meaningless observation of the purely material properties. However, Barthes’s analysis identifies this aesthetic through the conception of the “absence of the signified.” To understand this in more depth, I now turn to Ferdinand de Saussure’s original conception of the dual sign consisting of signifier and signified.

    Saussure’s structuralism and the disintegration of the sign

    Saussure’s most famous work is presented in the Cours de linguistique générale, a work based on a series of lectures given by him between 1906 and 1911 and compiled from notes by Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye. Though Saussure never published this work himself, the course has had a large significance for various fields outside of linguistics and, according to letters and notes that have since been found, Saussure started thinking about issues in general linguistics already in the final decades of the nineteenth century – in other words, contemporary to the decadent movement (Culler 1976, 15). In fact, economics seems to have been an inspiration for the ways in which Saussure wanted to redefine linguistics, and in the Cours he refers to the content of the linguistic sign as its “value,” but only insofar as the signified, the concept or meaning of a sign, has a value exactly because it is part of a system of language and compared to other values and signs (Saussure 2011, 114–17).

    The Saussurian innovation resides largely in the dual nature of the sign: it consists of two parts, namely signifier and signified. According to Saussure, language is not made up of connections between signs and the material world but is rather a system of signs comprised by signifiers and signifieds. The signifier is the sound-image (the image of sound exists even if it is not pronounced) and the signified is the mental concept, meaning what we think of when we hear the sound-image. The relation between these two parts of the sign is arbitrary; though there are some onomatopoetic words, in general the relation between a specific word and its mental concept is random. Saussure refers specifically to the signified as the “meaning” or “content” of the sign, which then has value in a system (Saussure 2011, 65–78, 114–17). As such, the signified also holds the mediating function of language, the process by which we interpret arbitrary signifiers into meaningful content which we can then draw upon in our interaction with the physical world. When the reality effect in the decadent aesthetics is conceived as a “direct collusion” between referent and signifier, a lack of a proper signified, it signals a loss of narrative meaning.

    However, for Saussure this understanding also enables a new conception of linguistics itself. Language can be understood as a structure or system in which each sign has meaning only in relation to other, different signs. The material world – termed “the referent” in semiotics ­– lies beyond the scope of linguistics according to Saussure, as it is the structure of language that should be studied in this discipline. Hence, structural linguistics brackets the idea of an underlying material reality: Linguistics should thus not be concerned with the connection between referent and signified, or for that matter between referent and signifier, but should only study linguistics as a differential relationship between signs. It is the difference of one word from that of another that gives it its meaning, not its connection to any actual thing.

    Barthes’s analysis shows a very explicit use of Saussure’s dual sign: the duality of signifier and signified enables an analytical description of what is happening when representation becomes problematic, when the materiality becomes mute and meaningless. The conception that the “form of the signified” is the narrative structure itself is, moreover, interesting in the sense that, while Barthes’s examples in the essay refers to realist works that do have a storyline or plot, À rebours is often described as a novel without a plot. While it is a feature of realism (and only realism) in Barthes, I argue that the reality effect is a core component of the estrangement of the mute flowers in À rebours. In Huysmans’s novel (and in decadence more generally) the reality effect becomes not only a specific aesthetic strategy but the whole point of the narrative: it is central to the loss of meaning that drives the novel.

    Following the work of scholars like Mary Poovey and Jean-Joseph Goux, I would now like to contextualize this shift from the meaningful narrative of realism to a decadence describing a loss of meaning beyond Saussure’s contemporaneous structural linguistics, namely in a parallel to the economic sphere (which is present in Saussure’s theory, as I have already shown).

    The liquid values of marginal utility

    Around 1870, the field of political economy spawned a significant new set of ideas that, similar to the decadent literature, augurs a new relationship between material reality and language or signs, in this case the language of values and economics. Independently of each other, three theorists in three different countries simultaneously developed theories based on the notion of marginal utility: W. Stanley Jevons in England, Léon Walras in Switzerland, and Carl Menger in Austria. The basic tenet of these theories is the idea that the value of anything can be determined by the thing’s marginal utility, that is, the utility of the “last available item” of a specific commodity. The amount and availability of something thus becomes the central parameter, because its utility will decrease with the amount available. Thus, when there is plenty of water, even though it is necessary for survival, its value will be low. On the other hand, when water is a scarce resource, its value will be incredibly high. The value of a commodity is thus expressed by the commodity’s exchange value, its price in a market (Jevons 1999, 143). The notion of value in this way becomes tied to the concept of scarcity.

    With the marginalist perspective the value of something thereby shifts away from the earlier focus on the cost it takes to produce it, and towards the intensity of the desire that it can create – essentially the shift goes away from production and towards consumption, and this has consequences for the relationship between prices – the monetary sign – and material world of commodities. To understand precisely what the shift in economic theory entails and how it parallels decadent aesthetics and structural linguistics, a brief review of Marx’s notion of value is useful.

    While the earlier field of political economy spearheaded by Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Thomas Robert Malthus, and Karl Marx had many disagreements, the prior theories all revolved around the concept of a labor theory of value. Marx divided the concept of value into three separate notions, namely “use value”, “exchange value”, and “value” itself (Marx and Engels 1996, 45–51). The latter one is at the core of his theory of capitalism as it elucidates how the exchange between capitalist and worker takes place. Capitalism, according to Marx, is the specific situation where the worker has nothing to sell but his labor power, and where the capitalist, conversely, holds the means of production including the necessary capital to establish a production of some commodity. Labor power is also a commodity and it is the only commodity a worker can sell. Contrary to other commodities, however, labor has the specific feature that it can produce more value than it takes to reproduce it – basically, a laborer can work more and produce more than what is required for her own reproduction and survival. This “more” is what Marx defines as surplus value, and the relationship between capitalist and worker is defined by the fact that the surplus value falls to the capitalist. While the basic level of reproduction is historically and geographically variable, the central mechanism remains the same, even if the worker is granted higher wages for her own reproduction (Marx 2016, 885).

    However, the way Marx links the concept of labor time to value is central, because it shows how the whole economic system is linked to the material needs of a given society, and thereby anchors the theory in material reality. For labor to be the basic universal equivalent, namely the thing that enables the exchange of two qualitatively different commodities, Marx introduces the concept of abstract labor time. This concept expresses the amount of labor time necessary for a given society to uphold its current state and it is thus an abstract concept, not possible to measure in any exact way. The value of a given commodity is the labor time it takes on average to produce it, expressed as a fraction of the total socially necessary labor time of a society. Thus, the value of a specific commodity is not larger if it is produced by a slow worker than a similar one produced by a fast worker (Marx and Engels 1996, 48–49). As such the concept of abstract labor time both lodges the labor theory of value in a concrete material reality (namely the necessary amount of labor to sustain a society) and gives a commodity an underlying value described as a part of this necessary labor. It is this relationship to reality that changes with the new economics, and that change can in turn be related to the shift from realist narrative language to decadent mute description.

    According to Marx the exchange value will over time stabilize around the actual value of something. Indeed, he states in volume one of Capital that “the labour time socially necessary for their production forcibly asserts itself like an over-riding law of Nature” (Marx and Engels 1996, 86). Thus, while exchange values (that is, the prices) does figure into Marx’s theoretical edifice, they function mainly as expressions of the underlying value that has a relationship to societal value as a whole – and these expressions can be more or less representative or accurate (Marx 2016, 460). In the marginal utility theory, this calculation of labor time vanishes and production cost is assigned a different role, namely as a component of a cost-benefit analysis on the part of the producer. In marginal utility theory, also called neoclassical economics, value expresses only intensities of desire – the desire for the pleasure of consuming something versus the pain of acquiring it (the labor necessary for obtaining it), and relative to other things that can be acquired for the same amount of “pain.” These calculations of pleasure and pain then meet up with the similar calculations of other actors in a marketplace, and generates a price: the desire of the buyer for consumption meets the “pain” that the producer has put into creating it and therefore needs compensation for. The price becomes an exact expression of value, because value is no longer defined as some underlying quality, but only as the price that a good can obtain in a marketplace (Gallagher 2008, 126–27).

    Jean-Joseph Goux expands on this point and claims:

    Any questioning of “value” beyond a state of equilibrium momentarily offered by a market, or auction, of pure competition becomes a futile, useless, metaphysical and unscientific pursuit. For Walras, Karl Marx, like Adam Smith, remains a metaphysician; both Marx and Smith seek a unique and enduring principle that would fix value, the universal law regulating the exchange of products, which they find in the time of labour. (Goux 1997, 163)

    I have dwelled at some length on this precise difference because the central shift regards a conception of labor and of the material reality to which prices refer. Thus, when we saw in the decadent literature a changed relationship between the referent and the signifier, expressed as a loss of the meaning – a loss of the signified – here we have a system of thought that is no longer interested in the relationship between signified and referent. Signs refer only to other signs in the system. As Goux portrays it, there is no longer any fixed point to which value refers, no concrete reality. Value only expresses wants, and these wants fluctuate according to scarcity (real or artificial), usefulness and, last but not least, the ability of something to create desire. Goux describes this conception of value as the “stock-exchange paradigm” as it fits with the way the stock exchange works. For Goux, this is not merely a change in economic theory, but a development that describes modernity as such, and like Barthes’s idea of “modernity’s grand affair,” it concerns a specific change in the way that signs work (Goux 1997).

    However, while Saussure’s linguistics and marginalist economics both bracket the relationship of signs to the material world, the decadent aesthetics present a very precise way that the loss of a connection between societal values and material reality can take on an existential dimension and be perceived as a loss of meaning tout court. A few decades after Gautier’s aforementioned text, in 1881, a different critic of decadence, namely Paul Bourget, examines the relationships between linguistic and societal meaning through the example of Baudelaire in relation to decadence. The parallel Bourget sees between these two registers is through the image of the organism. A decadent society, he holds, is characterized by a state of affairs where the individual units, the smaller cells and lesser organisms, become independent and no longer work by subordinating their energy to the total organism. Same principle for language, he claims:

    The very same rule governs the development and the decadence of another organism, language. A decadent style is one in which the unity of the book falls apart, replaced by the independence of the page, where the page decomposes to make way for the independence of the sentence, and the sentence makes way for the word. There are innumerable examples in current literature to corroborate this hypothesis and justify this analogy (Bourget 2009, 98).

    This quotation, often cited and used as definition for the decadent style, describes fragmentation and lack of any conception of totality or coherent whole, and the text describes this “anarchy” as a state of decline of both the organism of society and that of language. With the parallels between the new economic thinking and the new linguistic theory of the final decades of the century, falling apart and lack of unity of the decadent aesthetics can be understood in relation to shifts in the economic sphere. However, while the marginalist theory shows a system that becomes unlinked to the material necessities of a given society’s reproduction, it does not explain what happened in the actual economy of the period and how that relates to literary expression. To explain this link, and why it results in an aesthetics of fragmentation and disunity, Mary Poovey’s work is more instructive than Goux’.

    In Genres of the Credit Economy (2008), Poovey expounds on the parallels between money, economics, language, and literature in a historically grounded perspective, reading two centuries of British literary and economic history in conjunction. By doing so, Genres makes a key point about the historical dynamic between these two systems. In Poovey’s account, they do not only display parallel features, they also actively influence one another. Concerning specifically what Poovey terms the “problematic of representation” – that is, “the gap that separates the sign from its referent or ground (of value or meaning), whether the gap takes the form of deferral, substitution, approximation, or obscurity” (Poovey 2008, 5) – she states:

    Unlike most Literary critics, however, I do not present the problematic of representation as a property of all systems of representation. Instead, I argue that representation becomes problematic—it presents problems that are both social and epistemological—only at certain times and under conditions that are historically and socially specific. A system of representation is experienced as problematic only when it ceases to work—that is, when something in the social context calls attention to the deferral or obfuscation of its authenticating ground. (Poovey 2008, 5–6)

    The thing in the social context that can cause this awareness is mainly economic events, for instance crises, crashes, bubbles, and mania. Thus, Poovey foregrounds the notion that the representational function is historically variable, at the same time as she stresses the connection between linguistic and monetary systems. While Poovey does not operate with the Saussurian concepts of signifier and signified but rather conflates the notions of signified and referent in the above passage, it is clear that her point relates to the problem of materiality and meaning. Like the shifts related to decadent aesthetics, Saussure’s linguistics, and Goux’s reading of marginal utility theory, the sign begins to work differently. Huysmans’s novel shows, indeed, how such crises of representation can be interpreted through an aesthetics of the lost signified, in Barthes’ words the “direct collusion of a referent and a signifier.”

    À rebours thus portrays a situation in which its protagonist experiences a ‘mute referent’ in place of a narrative signified for the flowers. However, for the reader of the novel the words themselves naturally still have a meaning – they still have a signified. Telling the story of a lost signified for the character – the story of a mute and meaningless materiality – thus becomes the narrative signified for the reader: the text becomes a meaningful expression about the loss of meaning in both a linguistic and an existential sense. Furthermore, while these flowers are no longer endowed with metaphorical meaning, they still look like something, namely decaying bodies, an image which is also used to describe the linguistic disintegration of representation in both Huysmans and elsewhere. In so far as these descriptions of flowers still do signify, they signify on the one hand the mute referent in a Barthesian sense, and on the other connote an imagery of disintegrating organisms. In both cases, they signal a shift in representation, a shift in the mediating function of the signified. With Poovey’s notion of economic events as a trigger for such representational issues in mind, I will now turn to the actual economic changes of the period.

    The late nineteenth century crisis

    The final decades of the nineteenth century saw an economic situation in the old European empires that in some central ways matches that of the US today: repeated crashes and volatile economy, a huge increase in the impact of the financial sector, staggering growth and a cut-throat price competition. In terms of imperial affairs, this period is known for the “scramble for Africa,” the intense round of colonization of African territories which increased the European control from 10 percent to 90 percent over two decades. Literary scholars and historians alike have described the massive boom in financial instruments and stock-companies, accompanied both by new legislation and the pressure for better information through a reliable, critical press (Kornbluh 2014, 1–2; Henry and Schmitt 2009; Poovey 2002, 17–18; 2008, 274; Taylor 2014). According to Giovanni Arrighi’s The Long Twentieth Century, the year 1870 augurs the financial phase of the period of capitalist development that he terms the British cycle, and this financial phase followed an initial phase of material expansion (characterized by increased production, colonial ventures and intensification of trade). The financial phase of this period was characterized by capital agencies withdrawing from investment in material production and trades, and concentrating instead on banking, money trades and finance, and such change indicates the decline of a period of capitalist development in Arrighi’s model. Drawing on the work of Fernand Braudel, Arrighi states that “financial expansions are taken to be symptomatic of a situation in which the investment of money in the expansion of trade and production no longer serves the purpose of increasing the cash flow to the capitalist stratum as effectively as pure financial deals can” (Arrighi 2010, 9). The late nineteenth century financialization thus spelled the end of the British (and French) cycle while the United States became the new power center, breeding new material growth.

    The onset of literary decadence, the shift towards the financial phase, the invention of a new conception of economic value and modeling, and the birth of a new linguistic theory thus all center around these decades and the 1870s specifically. At the same time, these four events all display issues in the functioning of the signified: the role of the signified as mediator to the referent is challenged by the way that the referent appears irrelevant in marginalism and in structural linguistics, and the role of the signified is in turn replaced by images of a mute material referent in the later forms of realism and in the movement of decadence especially. However, I have yet to show the role of the signified in financialization. In order to do so I will turn once more to Marx’s writings.

    In the Economic Manuscript of 1864–1865 (his only full draft for volume III of Capital), Marx analyses the dynamics of loan capital and interest and describes the basic mechanism through the model of capitalist production and surplus value. Where the typical cycle for capitalist production is expressed by the formula M–C­­­–M’, where an amount of money (M) is used to produce commodities (C), which can then be sold for a larger amount of money (M’ = the original amount + the surplus value), the expression of loan capital (that is, investments) becomes M–M’ to the lender-capitalist, where the surplus money derives from the interest paid on the loan. What disappears from the formula, then, is precisely the materiality of the commodity and, in Marx’s understanding also therefore the embodied abstract labor power required to produce said commodity. Instead, the formula expresses an amount of money that appears to be growing by itself over time. In chapter 5, part 1, he discusses the expression that the rate of interest is the “price of money,” calling this price a “purely abstract form, completely lacking in content” (“rein abstrakte und inhaltslose Form”) (Marx 2016, 458; Marx, Engels, and Müller 1992, 4:426). What is meant by this lack of content is outlined through a comparison to the prices of regular commodities governed by the following rule:

    If supply and demand coincide, the market price of the commodity corresponds to its price of production, i.e., its price is then governed by the inner laws of capitalist production, independently of competition, since fluctuations in supply and demand explain nothing but divergences between market prices and prices of production (Marx 2016, 460).

    Marx goes on to emphasize, then, that no such divergences exist for the “price” of capital (that is, the interest) as there simply “is no natural rate of interest. What is called the natural rate of interest means rather the rate established by free competition” (Marx 2016, 460). Marx thus outlines that the interest, the price of capital, is equal to what came to be understood as value by the marginalists, a value determined by competition and with no ties to the amount of labor needed to reproduce a given society. It is value in the sense that Goux terms the stock-exchange paradigm, and what is omitted from this conception is the labor of production, embodied in commodities, and which in Marx’s schema can be seen as the signified of money. I therefore suggest that these shifts–the shift of aesthetics, the shift of linguistics, the shift of economic theory–are in turn related to the larger shift from a society based on the production and commerce of commodities produced by labor power, to the commerce of various forms of financial products. Arrighi stresses this point of going from Marx’s theoretical model to a conception of historical phases and explains:

    Marx’s general formula of capital (MCM’) can therefore be interpreted as depicting not just the logic of individual capitalist investments, but also a recurrent pattern of historical capitalism as world system. The central aspect of this pattern is the alternation of epochs of material expansion (MC phases of capital accumulation) with phases of financial rebirth and expansion (CM’ phases). In phases of material expansion money capital “sets in motion” an increasing mass of commodities (including commoditized labor-power and gifts of nature); and in phases of financial expansion an increasing mass of money capital “sets itself free” from its commodity form, and accumulation proceeds through financial deals (as in Marx’s abridged formula MM’). Together, the two epochs or phases constitute a full systemic cycle of accumulation (MCM’). (Arrighi 2010, 6)

    This historical shift might perhaps also be used to understand why the theoretical framework of Capital, with its pinnacle of the labor theory of value, was not, after the 1870s, the most adequate framework to explain market dynamics, because, in a phase dominated by finance capital, the marginal utility theory more adequately explains how value is conceived since the economy is no longer organized mainly around material production. However, invoking the larger framework of the world systems as Arrighi does, reinscribes the finance capitalist systems as phases in a larger dynamic. And within this dynamic, what happens in phases of financial expansion, is that the signified of money (commodities and labor), disappears from view. We then get two new theories that explain how sign systems begin to work, and we get a decadent aesthetics that tries to renegotiate a material world that the theories are no longer concerned with.

    The decadent literature, then, does not simply decouple language from the material realm like the structural linguistics or marginalist economics, but presents, rather, a different kind of connection to it. Most decadent works place a premium on the concept of sensory and sensual enjoyment, epitomized in Des Esseintes’s practices as an aesthete. While on the one hand, this enjoyment undeniably parodies consumption by taking it to the utter extreme, it can also be interpreted as an attempt to reconnect with the material world, to reinvent “meaning” as “sense” in a situation that is no longer mediated by the previous social functioning of the signified. The material world appears meaningless but at the same time menacing, strange, and incomprehensible, accessible only by the sheer sensory properties it invokes. And thus, these properties must be examined, dealt with, experienced, in “a new Hedonism” as it is termed in Oscar Wilde’s The picture of Dorian Gray (Wilde 2006, 22). The success of this “solution” however, is questionable, as most of the decadent works end on a somber note. Thus, when Des Esseintes ponders his return to normal society the book ends with his prayer to a divinity he fails to believe in: “Lord, take pity on the Christian who doubts, on the unbeliever who longs to believe, on the galley-slave of life who is setting sail alone, at night, under a sky no longer lit by the consoling beacons of the ancient hope” (Huysmans 2009a, 181).

    Conclusion

    While previous research has in various ways established parallels between language and money or economics, I have focused on decadent aesthetics because they show a very precise way that large economic changes in society can impact the ways in which we perceive the social and material world. They suggest, in particular, one way in which the subject can react to a phase of financial intensification: by a rather fetishistic relationship to materiality. In the decadent aesthetic, the properties of things in the material world become defining for our experience of them, rather than their social meaning, function, or usefulness. In decadent novels, this is also linked with excessive consumption, even hedonism. As there can no longer be found any social meaning, the only grounding principle for the subject is the sensory experience of the material world. This world, however, lacks any substantive ordering principle and becomes an excess of impressions.

    By establishing the structural parallel between literary decadence and the economic and financial developments of the period, I am also suggesting that the free-floating, differential values of the Saussurian linguistics, and of the neoclassical economics, are responses to the same global developments in the mode of production. The final point I want to emphasize is that decadent literature’s way of responding to the changes I have discussed, differs from the theoretical responses in linguistics and economics by insisting on the relevance of sensory experience and materiality. In a sense, À rebours is trying to figure out what to do with a materiality that can no longer really be understood through the models we know, and it describes the loss of tethering that this social fragmentation results in. The protagonist becomes, quite literally, unhinged from a topsy-turvy world in which meaning remains at large.

    Signe Leth Gammelgaard is a postdoc in comparative literature at Lund University. Her research focuses on the intersection of literary and economic history.

    References

    Arrighi, Giovanni. 2010. The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times. 2nd ed. London; New York: Verso.

    Barthes, Roland. 2006. “The Reality Effect.” In The Novel: An Anthology of Criticism and Theory, 1900-2000, edited by Dorothy J. Hale, 229–34. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

    Bourget, Paul. 2009. “The Example of Baudelaire.” Translated by Nancy O’Connor. New England Review (1990-) 30 (2): 90–104.

    Braswell, Suzanne. 2013. “Mallarmé, Huysmans, and the Poetics of Hothouse Blooms.” French Forum 38 (1/2): 69–87.

    Culler, Jonathan. 1976. Saussure. Fontana Modern Masters. London: Harvester Press.

    Gallagher, Catherine. 2008. The Body Economic, Life, Death, and Sensation in Political Economy and the Victorian Novel. Princeton University Press.

    Gammelgaard, Signe Leth. 2020. “Indebted Bodies: Debt and Decadence in the Nineteenth-Century Novel.” PhD dissertation. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.

    Gautier, Theophile. 1908. The Works of Theophile Gautier, Vol. 23, Art and Criticism: The Magic Hat. George D. Sproul. http://archive.org/details/worksoftheophile028595mbp.

    Goux, Jean-Joseph. 1997. “Values and Speculations: The Stock Exchange Paradigm.” Cultural Values 1 (2): 159–77. https://doi.org/10.1080/14797589709367142.

    Henry, Nancy, and Cannon Schmitt, eds. 2009. Victorian Investments: New Perspectives on Finance and Culture. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

    Huysmans, J.-K. 2009a. Against Nature. Translated by Margaret Mauldon. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

    ———. 2009b. “Appendix: Preface ‘Written Twenty Years after the Novel.’” In Against Nature, by J.-K. Huysmans, translated by Margaret Mauldon, 183–97. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

    Jevons, William Stanley. 1999. “Brief Account of a General Mathematical Theory of Political Economy.” In Sources: Notable Selections in Economics, edited by Belay Seyoum and Rebecca Abraham, 1. ed, 141–46. Guilford, Conn: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill.

    Kornbluh, Anna. 2014. Realizing Capital: Financial and Psychic Economies in Victorian Form. First edition. New York: Fordham University Press.

    Marx, Karl. 2016. Marx’s Economic Manuscript of 1864-1865. Edited by Fred Moseley. Translated by Ben Fowkes. Historical Materialism Book Series 100. Leiden ; Boston: Brill.

    Marx, Karl, and Frederick Engels. 1996. Marx & Engels, Collected Works. Volume 35. Karl Marx – Capital Volume I. Collected Works 35. London: Lawrence & Wishart.

    Marx, Karl, Friedrich Engels, and Manfred Müller. 1992. Gesamtausgabe. Abt. 2. Das Kapital und Vorarbeiten Bd. 4. Ökonomische Manuskripte 1863 – 1867 / Karl Marx Apparat: Teil 2. Vol. 4. Berlin: Dietz.

    Poovey, Mary. 2002. “Writing about Finance in Victorian England: Disclosure and Secrecy in the Culture of Investment.” Victorian Studies 45 (1): 17–41.

    ———. 2008. Genres of the Credit Economy, Mediating Value in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Britain. University of Chicago Press.

    Saussure, Ferdinand de. 2011. Course in General Linguistics. Edited by Perry Meisel and Haun Saussy. Translated by Wade Baskin. New York: Columbia University Press.

    Taylor, James. 2014. “Financial Crises and the Birth of the Financial Press, 1825-1880.” In The Media and Financial Crises, 203–14. Routledge.

    Weir, David. 1995. Decadence and the Making of Modernism. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press.

    White, Nicholas. 2009. “Introduction.” In Against Nature, by J.-K. Huysmans, translated by Margaret Mauldon, vii–xxvi. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

    Wilde, Oscar. 2006. The Picture of Dorian Gray. Edited by Joseph Bristow. New ed. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Ziegler, Robert. 2015. “Huysmans’s Flowers.” Romance Quarterly 62 (1): 50–57. https://doi.org/10.1080/08831157.2015.970115.

    This article is based on parts of my doctoral dissertation. (Gammelgaard 2020)

    [1] White, “Introduction,” xx; in Wilde’s Dorian Gray, the book that so influences Dorian, and which is loosely based on À rebours, is described precisely as a “novel without a plot” (Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, 106).

  • Ryan S. Jeffery–What Are Your Moves Tomorrow

    Ryan S. Jeffery–What Are Your Moves Tomorrow

    This text is published as part of the b2o review‘s “Finance and Fiction” dossier. It can be read as an accompaniment to Ryan S. Jeffery’s ENTER_FACE (8 min. video, 2023).

    What Are Your Moves Tomorrow

    Ryan S. Jeffery

    How to make your way in a world of declining growth?

    One way to understand history is as a struggle between capital and labor. In January 2021 that struggle was eclipsed by a struggle between two types of capital – financial capital and so-called human capital – in the by now infamous GameStop short squeeze. This was the arrival of the meme stock, confidentially, but defiantly, held by Diamond Hands.

    A battle cry in the parlance of emojis, Diamond Hands is internet slang that came to prominence on the subreddit forum r/WallStreetBets. More specifically, it arrived during the global economic shut-down due to the Covid-19 pandemic, when droves of individual, non-professional, so-called “retail” investors banded together to bid up the stock price of the floundering video game retailer GameStop – as well as the movie theater chain AMC. In less than a month GameStop’s stock price went form $17.25 a share to a closing price of $86.88, at a point reaching an all-time high of $500. The result was extraordinary profits for the lucky ones that got in and out early, which simultaneously caused huge losses for so-called institutional investors, i.e. hedge funds who had shorted against the stock.[1]

    It’s this secondary effect that afforded Diamond Hands the ability to see their actions as some form of righteous justice, sticking it to the citadels of Wall Street while finally getting in on some of the action of casino capitalism. This was certainly how the story was broadly told. (Consider, for example, how it’s most recently been depicted in the tepid Hollywood version Dumb Money, a pseudo Big Short part II minus any of Michael Lewis’s trademark smartest people in the room). This populist take pits a David and Goliath scenario in which unruly plebs flew in the face of supposed market fundamentals.[2] In the end, a couple of hedge funds did loose massively – most famously, Melvin Capital shuttered its doors – but other Wall Street players cashed in right behind the wake of chaos created by Diamond Hands. Despite some hand-wringing by financial journalists, the seductive read of a populist revolt was thus short lived: Wall Street’s power remained firmly intact.

    The Diamond Hands short squeeze did succeed, however, in pulling back the curtain, if only for a moment, to reveal just how unwieldy the allocation of value really is within financial capitalism. Unwieldy, if not corrupt: the momentary shutdown of the Robin Hood trading App, which made the short squeeze play possible for traders on the subreddit community, only seemed to confirm just how rigged the game really is. Put simply, it might just come down to the word “bets” in r/WallStreetBets that’s really the greatest provocation to Wall Street insiders who spin narratives of “fundamentals” and “market logics.” Commentator Doug Henwood was even more pointed, noting that despite the fact that these inexperienced traders were using Reddit and the free App Robin Hood, they were really just behaving like any other professional trader: passing information, talking up some stocks and others down. As Henwood argued, what it boiled down to was that simply “the wrong type of people” pulled off such a highly sophisticated Wall Street play.[3]

    Indeed, it didn’t go unnoticed that the aggressive adolescent masculinity found on the r/WallStreetBets message board differs little from the toxic bravado of the rank-and-file on Wall Street. What does separate the professional behind a Bloomberg terminal from the amateur on Robinhood tends to be wealth and power, in other words access to capital, or “liquidity” in the parlance of finance. Short on liquidity, Diamond Hands found their power by organizing and coordinating their numbers through discipline and a perverse sense of solidarity. One retail investor’s paltry position has essentially no effect on market dynamics; if they all pour into a single body, however, then they can become a sizable market actor that other institutional players must contend with. Diamond Hands must act in numbers and they must be committed. In order to act like one: they have to count each other, and also count on each other.

    Described “like 4chan found a Bloomberg terminal,” the entire discourse on r/WallStreetBets is like most anywhere else on the internet, a mix of shit-posting and clever memes but also a genuine exchange of information and a form of community with its own unique vernacular and coded language.[4] The result is an uncanny culture jamming of dominant and overturning media forms that puts the likes of Thanos from the Avengers, Gordon Gekko and Jim Cramer all in one universe. This is the arena in which Diamond Hands emerges. At first appearance, Diamond Hands passes for just another cryptic juvenile insider joke intended just for the lulz, and yet the sophistication of the psychology and utility behind the meme is profound. The challenge is straightforward: the short squeeze play by the r/WallStreetBets traders works only as long as no one sells. So when the stock price begins to move upwards after enough people have bought in, if just a few cash out early, it could spark a wave of selling that would make the whole play collapse. The task is therefore to create an ideology of self-discipline. Diamond Hands relies on the promise—the sacred pact–that you will not sell no matter what, no matter the instability, the incoherence of it all. Your hands are made of diamonds; they will not move no matter which way the price moves. It’s your commitment to holding that’s making the price go up. Once you sell that, everything vanishes. You might not have the cash but you are spiritually rich and linked in this community so long as you keep holding out.

    This is a discipline of equal parts valor and shame, the anti-social sociability of a more perverse Protestant work ethic. But it also reveals how the community of Diamond Hands implicitly understands that they are all atomized and isolated–together. It’s the logic of human capital taken to its conclusion, what Michel Feher has called “investee politics”, a historical shift in the site of capitalist struggle by which individuals no longer look at their labor power as a commodity to sell, but instead view the self as a type of asset that appreciates with particular skills, connections and crucially reputations–all of which either facilitates or bars one’s access to credit-worthiness.[5] It’s a collective vision but without a collective horizon. The struggle is to change their world, not the world. In this light, the GameStop short squeeze play can be understood as Diamond Hands’s recognition that this is likely their only means to reach beyond the precarity of the wage-relation and join the class of capital. In the face of the seemingly immeasurable power of high finance, most will go bankrupt but some might make it through. A nihilistic kamikaze run at the barricades, not necessarily to destroy them but to somehow scale over them. To borrow a phrase: get rich or hold trying.

    In the current configuration of platform capitalism, the original libertarian dream of an emancipatory internet seems naïve, if not delusional. Yet Aris Komporozos-Athanasiou provocatively takes up a more ambivalent position towards both the forms of communication in online spaces as well as the financialized logic that undergirds it. In the face of rapidly accelerating social and political uncertainties, Athanasiou argues that even more radical speculation could act as a pharmakon for the seemingly intractable state of social and political life, wrought by decades of neoliberal reason and digital financialized capitalism. Drawing on Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities and the origins of nationalism, Athanasiou describes a new societal formation made up of what he calls speculative communities. Where Anderson looked to the role of print media in the 19th century in the formation of nationalism, Athanasiou sees the current story as one also shaped by media. In this schematic, the “commodified digital infrastructures” of the internet produce speculative technologies be it social media, dating apps, or gig work apps–all built on a high-octane venture capital and so-called creative destruction. The result is the all too familiar experience of modern life reduced to a routine of anxious endless swiping and scrolling in a constant state of competition, precarity, and indebtedness. But counterintuitively, Athanasiou identifies how this increasingly shared experience contains a potential for new forms of collectivity, and in particular collective actions which he calls counter-speculations. Strikingly, these are not moves against the drivers of speculative logic away from uncertainty, but rather its embrace. An accelerationist doubling down of sorts, that only leans harder into uncertainty.

    As he describes it, this is “a speculative politics that does not simply resist the all-encompassing specter of finance but wields it against oppressing structures in all realms of social, political, and even intimate life”.[6] Citing movements as wide-ranging as France’s Gilets Jaunes, the Tea Party, and BLM, along with tactics like divestment campaigns, hashtag-highjacking and Ticktoker pranksterism, Athanasiou claims that what unites them all, is less a concern in resolving the chaos of radical uncertainty. Rather, they are united by an implicit acceptance that this is the precondition for anything different to emerge. In this argument, speculation becomes the means to take action and grasp some form of agency in the face of all-encompassing drowning uncertainty. It’s a logic of fighting fire with fire: speculation got us here, but speculation in the right hands can somehow get us out? Here, r/WallStreetBets’ Diamond Hands falls into sharper relief. From the vantage point of Athanasiou’s speculative communities, the wry cynicism, or even all-out nihilistic juvenility of Diamond Hands, begins to look less like a spectacle in itself, but rather like the spastic response to the already existing spectacles at hand.

    Writing at the time of the GME short squeeze, Max Haiven shrewdly observed how the collective financial play by r/WSB could be understood as a warped version of such explicitly anti-capitalist aims like the Debt Collective, an activist debtor’s union that has collectively organized on behalf of millions of indebted households across the US.[7] Despite r/WSB’s run towards capital as opposed to the Debt Collective’s aim to abolish it, Haiven’s provocative juxtaposition is instructive precisely because of the two groups shared reliance on organizing vast numbers and leveraging structural weak points and contradictions within financial capitalism. This relies on a firm distinction between means and ends. For Haiven, with no unified vision, the “happy accident” of the GME short squeeze urges the question: “What would it mean to leverage the power it revealed towards other ends?”[8]

    On its own, the accomplishment of the GME short squeeze by traders on Reddit offers only a dialectical riddle narrowly within the field of media and culture: is this the financialization of the social or the socialization of finance? But if we widen the lens on this acute moment during the global pandemic to include the split-screen of soaring stock evaluations juxtaposed with precarious worker unrest over who and what is “essential”, deeper questions of politics and agency emerge. Whether an act of action or reaction, the collective market intervention organized on the r/WSB thread reveals innate tensions within networked communications technologies and finance capital, longstanding debates between the so-called real and financial economy, and the very nature of capitalism.

    By January 2024, three years after the GME short squeeze, the share price of the stock was hovering just south of $15, far from the glory of its near $90 high at the height of the short squeeze. Still, it was, and to this day, remains higher than its doomed dollar value just before the Reddit traders of r/WSB intervened in January 2021. Snatched from the predatory jaws of hedge funds, the brick-and-mortar video game retailer can still be found in scattered malls across the world. r/WSB continues on as well, the subreddit currently has fifteen million members, two half million more since the GME short squeeze. Scroll the feed right now and you are less likely to spot the murmurings of such an audacious play than before. What you will find on the thread reads much like a satirical rag about the financial news on any given day. It’s the Financial Times meets the Onion: cleverly decoding and trolling the ideologies spouted by the financial media that are cloaked in the language of objective market signals.

    Perhaps the whole GME affair could simply be chalked up as the freakish byproduct from the reign of Zero-Interest Rate Policy (ZIRP). (The r/WSB short squeeze was of course not the only financial spectacle during the pandemic lockdowns and resulting US monetary interventions, which also saw an accelerated cryptocraze, the rise and fall of NFTs, and continues to roll on in the current speculative wave of so-called generative machine learning technologies.) Michel Feher’s “investee politics” is helpful here in understanding the dynamics between politics and technology, and how they animated the GME affair. For Feher, “the Reddit insurgency” served as evidence that the platform might be supplanting the market as prime mover. He writes: “As coordinators of supply and demand, markets enable profit”, where platforms on the other hand, “play an increasingly important role in the allocation of credit–financial but also moral credit”.[9] The speculative gambit, however seemingly naïve, is to ask how the latter might be leveraged over the former–and crucially towards whose and what moral vision?

    Folding the market into the platform has also long been the vision behind such fintech ventures, going back to the origins of Paypal, Facebook’s failed Libra, and Elon Musk’s current ambitions for X. Silicon Valley is paved with the broken dreams of an “everything app”. But for now, each day the user account u/OPINION_IS_UNPOPULAR pins a version of the same post on top of the r/WSB’s thread: “What Are Your Moves Tomorrow”. Whether the speculative community of r/WSB is a lumpen stratum that can really be mobilized towards a different vision, or the vanguard for a more ruthlessly anarchic market society, remains open.

    Ryan S. Jeffery is a filmmaker and moving image artist. His work focuses on the relation between technology, media and economics.

    [1] See, Davies, Rob. 2021. “GameStop: how Reddit Amateurs took aim at Wall Street short-sellers” The Guardian, January 28. https://www.theguardian.com/business/2021/jan/28/gamestop-how-reddits-amateurs-tripped-wall-streets-short-sellers. See, Stewart, Emily 2021. “The GameStop stock frenzy, explained” Vox, January 29. https://www.vox.com/the-goods/22249458/gamestop-stock-wallstreetbets-reddit-citron.

    [2] See, Winck, Ben. 2021. “GameStop short-sellers lost $1.6 billion in a single day as Reddit traders rebelled against them” Business Insider, January 25. https://markets.businessinsider.com/news/stocks/gamestop-stock-short-seller-squeeze-losses-reddit-traders-citron-gme-2021-1-1030000080. See, Kim, Heejin. 2021. “Michael Burry Calls GameStop Rally ‘Unnatural, Insane’” Bloomberg, January 26. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-01-27/michael-burry-calls-gamestop-gain-unnatural-insane-dangerous?sref=apOkUyd1.

    [3] Henwood, Doug. 2021. “The GameStop Bubble is a Lesson in the Absurdity and Uselessness of the Stock Market” Jacobin Magazine, January 27. https://jacobin.com/2021/01/gamestop-stock-market-reddit.

    [4] See, r/WallStreetBets  https://www.reddit.com/r/wallstreetbets/.

    [5] See Feher, Michel. 2018. Rated Agency: Investee Politics in a Speculative Age. New York: Zone Books.

    [6] Komporozos-Athanasiou, Aris. 2022. Speculative Communities: Living with Uncertainty in a Financialized World. Chicago: Chicago University Press. pg. 11.

    [7] See the Debt Collective https://debtcollective.org.

    [8] Haiven, Max. 2021. “The power, potential and peril of the GameStop affair” Roar Magazine, February 3. https://maxhaiven.com/power-potential-peril/.

    [9] Feher, Michel. 2021. “Another Speculation is Possible: The Political Lesson of r/WallStreetBets” PPE, February 5. https://www.ppesydney.net/another-speculation-is-possible-the-political-lesson-of-r-wallstreetbets/.

  • Ryan S. Jeffery–ENTER_FACE (8 min. video, 2023)

    Ryan S. Jeffery–ENTER_FACE (8 min. video, 2023)

    This video is published as part of the b2o review‘s “Finance and Fiction” dossier. The dossier also includes a text by Ryan S. Jeffery that can be read as an accompaniment to the video.

    Since 1982, the financial data vendor Bloomberg L.P. has provided real-time financial market data accessible only through an interface called the Bloomberg Terminal. For an annual fee of $20,000 you can buy and sell financial assets on Bloomberg’s secure proprietary network with 325,000 other subscribers throughout the world. Since 2012, the user account u/OPINION_IS_UNPOPULAR has moderated the subreddit page r/Wallstreetbets accessible on the public internet forum Reddit, which can be interfaced by web browsing software on most any computer or smartphone. For a zero annual fee you can exchange information, financial trading strategies, videos and memes with 12.9 million other subscribers throughout the world. What would happen if r/Wallstreetbets found a Bloomberg terminal? The interface is where the two systems, subjects, organizations meet and interact.

  • Tim Christiaens–“Why Do People Fight For Their Exploitation As If It Was Liberation?” (Review of Jason Read’s The Double Shift)

    Tim Christiaens–“Why Do People Fight For Their Exploitation As If It Was Liberation?” (Review of Jason Read’s The Double Shift)

    “Why Do People Fight For Their Exploitation As If It Was Liberation?”

    Tim Christiaens

    Popular culture is one of the sites where this struggle for and against a culture of the powerful is engaged: it is also the stake to be won or lost in that struggle. It is the arena of consent and resistance.

    – Stuart Hall (2019, 360)

    Please Sign Here to Work Yourself to Death

    A sense of dread befalls us when the topic of work enters the conversation. From nurses in overrun hospitals to adjunct academics between teaching gigs, many workers are seeing their workload grow while paychecks and job security shrink. Yet surprisingly, people still cling to their jobs and the capitalist work ethic in general as if it were their salvation. Hustle culture and structural overwork are rampant across the labor market. From gig workers operating on multiple platforms to Wall Street interns working around the clock, the capitalist work ethic has become what Karl Marx called a “religion of everyday life” (Marx 1992, 969). The rituals of time management and incessant self-branding dominate not only people’s labor-time but also their free time. Away from the office, many still zealously perform the liturgies of self-optimization and social networking to maximize their productivity.

    When people genuinely need the income from their wages to survive, a harsh or opportunistic work ethic is understandable. Without a job, people are oftentimes reduced to the status of “homeless and empty-handed labor-powers” (Marx 2005, 509). With nothing but their labor-power to sell, they have little choice but to drag their bodies to work every morning. Yet historically, many institutions have fostered a work ethic built on higher motivations than mere fear. In early capitalism, the Protestant ethic of thrifty labor in the service of God justified newly emerging capitalist labor relations, and even without the ominous gnawing of hunger, large sections of the twentieth-century male working class in the Global North supported traditional employment relations. In the days of Fordism, even monotonous hard labor often gave access to a chance at a middle-class lifestyle and social recognition as a contributing member of society. ‘Having a job’ was a gateway to recognized public status and comfortable living standards. Thanks to a social compromise between capital and the white male working class, the latter received high wages and political representation in exchange for social peace and labor productivity. If people agreed to work hard in the factory and not vote communist, the company and the welfare state would guarantee a secure consumer lifestyle.

    For a long time, this seemed like a good deal for all parties involved. Yet circumstances changed in the 1970s and ‘80s, when economic crises, popular protests, and capitalist investment strikes blew up the social compromise. Workers wanted more opportunities for authentic self-expression in their labor, populations previously excluded from the benefits of Fordism demanded emancipation (women, immigrants, the colonized), and capital experienced a profitability crisis for industrial activity in the Global North. Without cheap resources from colonial territories and free reproductive labor from working-class women, male workers’ high wages and political influence became too costly. Large corporations moved their factories to low-cost countries, while demanding states to cut their social security systems. The fear of gnawing hunger returned to put workers in their place. However, the decline in job security and income protection still constitutes an insufficient explanation for the persistence of the capitalist work ethic. The compulsion to work is not just an externally imposed burden today, but also an ethos and intimate desire. Hustle culture permeates everyday life across social classes and lifestyles.

    When the first waves of the COVID-19 pandemic subsided, public discourse reveled at the rise of ‘quiet quitting’. Suddenly workers restricted their efforts to the bare minimum job requirements. Employees would work just enough to avoid alarming the boss but refused to put in any extra effort. However, a few years later enthusiasm has returned for always-on work culture. In a cruel twist on Marx’s prophecies about life under communism, late capitalism has made it possible for me to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt for bartender gigs in the morning, fish for online clickwork in the afternoon, curate a mass following on LinkedIn in the evening, and monetize my car on Uber after dinner, depending on whatever suits me at the time, without ever becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman or taxi driver.

    Hustle culture promises to render each moment of the day productive. People believe themselves to be entrepreneurs of their own lives and combine multiple jobs to chase after idealized representations of financial success and social prestige. While this attitude might have been born under the sign of economic necessity, what keeps such micro-entrepreneurs going demands further explanation. Constant busy-ness is not just begrudgingly tolerated but actively desired. And this time, there is no Protestant ethic or Fordist social compromise to explain it. Even when people can count on social safety nets, like unemployment benefits, many still strive for overachievement. A deeply rooted affective attachment to work animates late-capitalist culture. This might have made sense when jobs gave access to middle-class consumerist lifestyles, but today this promise often rings hollow. University students take out loans, swallow Ritalin and cram for exams to get a diploma that no longer guarantees steady employment. Journalists spend hours building an online reputation on social media in a desperate effort to avoid being replaced by AI. Aspiring academics publish numerous papers in the hopes that, against dwindling odds, they finally receive a chance at tenure.

    After decades of dismantling worker protections and welfare institutions, this attitude seems painfully masochistic. An epidemic of burnouts has consequently accompanied the rise of hustle culture. At one point, the incessant pressure to work must run out of steam. One cannot continuously push one’s body and mind beyond their limits without suffering the consequences sooner or later. Yet the work ethic is so ingrained in everyday life that many prefer to persist in overwork rather than allowing themselves some well-earned rest. Amazon installs vending machines dispensing painkillers to its warehouse workers, while life-coaches build careers out of helping people squeeze money out of every minute of their day. The Japanese even have a word for people dying from overwork: karoshi.

    What explains this insistent attachment to the capitalist work ethic even at our own peril? This question forms the kernel of Jason Read’s reflections in his recent book The Double Shift: Spinoza and Marx on the Politics of Work (Verso, 2024). Read links it to the age-old question of voluntary servitude from the Dutch philosopher Benedictus Spinoza: “why do people fight for their servitude as if it were their salvation”? Why, in the age of the perpetual hustle, do so many workers voluntarily subject themselves to the exploitation of the neoliberal workplace and refuse to organize?

    Beyond Traditional Ideology Theory

    According to Read, the explanation for our passionate attachment to work lies in the inner workings of ideology. He eloquently defends an affective approach, claiming that the narratives and representations that justify contemporary work culture integrate workers’ affects into an ideological rationalization of the capitalist work ethos. He opens the book with a reference to Marx’s observation that “life is not determined by consciousness, but consciousness by life” (Read 2024, 2). Through our material interactions with our surroundings, we develop ideas and representations of how the world operates and what our place in this environment is. Through the lens of Spinoza, Read interprets these interactions as always already animated by affect. The world responds to human sensibility in ways that either increase or decrease those humans’ capability to act in the world. The world of work can make us angry, joyful, desperate, hopeful, and these tonalities structure our capacities to act in the world. Affects form the basic timbre of our everyday worldly conduct.

    However, ideology is not merely the immediate affective reflection of our material interaction with nature. An institutionally constructed regime of signs and representations filters these impressions through the dominant social culture. ‘Culture’ in a general sense is mediated by social institutions and the latter influence how we perceive the world and affect our surroundings. These institutions are chiefly in the hands of the ruling classes, so the interpretive lenses we acquire to put our lived experiences into words predominantly reflect the assumptions and aspirations of the ruling elites. Our felt sensibility of the world is our own, but the vocabulary with which we express and navigate these affects come from elsewhere. Ideology theory demonstrates how the ruling ideas of the ruling class sink so deeply into human subjectivity until they become the spontaneous ideology with which we articulate the world and our place in it. Ideology establishes what Stuart Hall has called “the regime of the taken for granted” (Hall 2016, 138), the narratives and the refrains that pre-consciously determine how our lived experiences are translated into the common vernacular of everyday life.

    Read subsequently identifies a tension at the heart of ideology and our understanding of work. On the one hand, our conscious reflections on work derive from our lived experiences, our material interactions on the job. On the other, the meaning of these interactions is filtered through a system of representations and practices alien to work itself. The ruling ideological apparatuses influence how we affectively undergo our labor conditions. People often experience their job as grueling exploitation yet live it as their liberation. According to Read, the ideology of work has curiously succeeded in coopting and subsuming people’s everyday experiences of work in an ethos that promotes structural overwork as the key to happiness.

    Work has become the answer to every problem, the solution to everything – not only for ensuring one’s economic status but also for defining relationships, one’s sense of self, and other fundamental elements of everyday life experience. In a society that increasingly eschews politics, or collective action, as a way of remedying or transforming life, work is that last remaining activity of transformation left to us. (Read 2024, 4)

    Work is indeed experienced as exhausting toil and sorrowful exploitation, yet within the ideologically constructed social imaginary of contemporary capitalism, there is no way out of this conundrum but through overwork. The ideology of work gives meaning to our efforts and articulates our hopes and joys in such a way that we see our liberation in more work rather than less. Desire itself is articulated through an ideology that attributes inherent value to the occupations of always-on work culture. Political solutions are blotted out of the regime of the taken for granted, and the only viable option left is to hustle through life in pursuit of getting rich enough to leave the rat race behind. Of course, for most of us the rat race never ends.

    In Capital Volume I, Marx predicted that two barriers would stop the infinite growth machine of capital accumulation: “the weak bodies and the strong wills of its human attendants” (Marx 1996, 406). Workers would organize and construct a collective will to counter the exploitative tactics of capital, or their bodies and mind would slowly falter under the pressure of factory-labor. Yet today, the workers’ collective will is rarely strong enough to obtain substantial gains. And their weak bodies burn out at excruciating speed with little effect. Ideology has neutralized the forces of resistance emanating from workplace domination to mobilize workers to act against their own interest.

    The red thread throughout Read’s book is the attempt to update Marxism’s traditional ideology theory to explain why people’s strong wills and weak bodies have been coopted into entrepreneurial ideology and incessant hustling. In classical Marxism, the class struggle between workers and capitalists determines the evolution of the economic base. Classical Marxism presents the labor experience as a pure or originary moment in which two classes struggle for control over the means of production. The cultural and political superstructure responsible for the development and diffusion of ideology is subsequently built on top of this struggle. In the immediate material interaction with the world, workers experience their exploitation, but the ideologies of the superstructure are allegedly designed to obscure this basic fact. All it takes for the revolution is for Marxist critics to pluck the imaginary flowers from workers’ chains with the cold force of reason to reveal the ugly truth underneath. This picture, firstly, ignores how ideologies always already permeate the work experience itself. There is no pure moment of real consciousness of workplace exploitation that is only afterwards corrupted by ideology. The affective experience of work is always already articulated through the lens of social imaginaries.

    Secondly, the classical Marxist approach is excessively rationalistic. It presumes that the mere act of informing workers of their real class interest, as opposed to their false consciousness, will make nefarious ideologies disappear, like spraying pesticides on imaginary flowers. However, as Spinoza commented, people often ‘see the better and do the worse’ (Read 2024, 166). They know the boss is a bully, the pay is unfair, and the system is rigged, yet they choose to adapt and rationalize that choice because they cannot imagine a way out. How individuals perceive and acquire knowledge about the world is immersed in an infrastructure of intimate desires that is impervious to reason. Ideology is not mere superficial veneer that can be scraped off through the power of reason. It affects human conduct so intimately that it becomes almost indistinguishable from life itself. Our most profound sense of self and our most personal choices are products of ideological work.

    Read illustrates this point with the 2019 film The Assistant, a story about a day in the life of Jane, a junior assistant at a movie production company where sexual harassment is rampant yet kept under the lid. Jane aspires to become a movie producer herself one day, but for now she is stuck in an infinite string of menial secretarial tasks. She gradually learns more about the sexual misconducts of her boss, yet she also picks up on the quietism among her co-workers, who all seem to know yet do nothing. They see the better but do the worse. Jane optimistically goes to human resources to save her colleague from sexual harassment, yet the director makes it clear that nothing will come from her complaint. By the end of her day, Jane has accomplished nothing. She realizes that continuing her investigation equals career suicide. Her hopes and dreams of becoming a movie producer all depend on the monster everyone knows to be a sexual predator, so there is little to be gained from filing a complaint. The boss would probably remain firmly in his seat, while Jane would have to abandon her dreams of a career in film. When the credits roll, Read hypothesizes that Jane will probably return to work the next day and settle for the cynical consensus that animates the office.

    The Assistant shows that ideological acceptance of workplace domination is not just a matter of fanciful illusions that could easily be dispelled by the cold force of reason. It has seeped into the affective lifeworld of the production company. Desperate resignation rules in the office corridors. Those who know better are emotionally blackmailed into doing the worse. Their career hopes and aspirations are coopted as leverage in a cynical play of voluntary servitude. According to Read’s Spinoza, those in power actively integrate parts of the lived experiences of the powerless to let ideological rationalizations of voluntary submission settle in. They must coopt sentiments circulating in the population and give them a specific political orientation that favors the status quo. This clarifies the tension between affective experience and ideological domination in Read’s analysis: our immediate lived experience of work do, in fact, disclose exploitation, but these experiences have been articulated within social imaginaries that coopt our deepest desires and block off any hopes for collective resistance. The only option left is to stay calm and carry on as if more exploitation were our only liberation.

    This theory of ideology enables Read to offer not only illuminating cultural readings of the despair that animates movies like The Assistant, but also to unmask the false alternatives offered in movies and tv-shows that are ostensibly more critical of late-capitalist work culture but fail to capture just how deep the ideological cooptation goes. In the first chapter, for example, Read impressively takes on two movies from 1999 that seem more critical of contemporary work culture than they actually are: Fight Club and Office Space. Both offer an explicit critique of the capitalist work ethos: Fight Club supposedly dispels the myths of “working jobs we hate so we can buy stuff we don’t need” (Read 2024, 63) and Office Space allegedly demonstrates the inanity of contemporary service and office jobs. But Read shows that these films confuse the critique of capitalist labor in general with the critique of specific forms of concrete labor in favor of other forms of (capitalist) concrete labor. Rather than attacking work culture as such, both films criticize two particular forms of work dominant in the 1990s: white-collar work in office culture and the rising trend of service work with high requirements of emotional labor. Yet neither film truly succeeds at imagining a post-capitalist, post-work future. Through the character of Peter, who ends up as a construction worker, Office Space offers a retreat to manual labor as the solution. Fight Club presents a more existentialist yet equally individualistic response. When Tyler Durden holds a convenience store cashier at gun point, he asks the man what job he truly wants to do. The cashier confesses he always dreamed of being a veterinarian but gave up too quickly. After this encounter with mortality, Durden lets the cashier live with the warning that, if he does not pursue his dream, Durden will come back to kill him. Both films do not question labor as such or the culture of overwork. They criticize the labor practices dominant in 1990s capitalism and replace them with manual or existentially authentic labor. They rearticulate the workers’ hatred of all labor into a critique of particular forms of labor and so leave the capitalist work ethic as such intact.

    In sum, an exploration of the ideology of work and people’s steadfast attachment to work as a means of getting ahead must take the affective dimension of ideology into account. Ideological justifications of work must convincingly put into words how people feel about themselves, each other, and their jobs. Marx and his acolytes might have called work under capitalism exploitative and alienating, but if I consider my boss and supervisors as a chosen family, then trade-unionists will probably fail to organize us. Marx and his acolytes might preach about class struggle between workers and capitalists, but if I see a foul-mouthed business mogul on tv trolling Democrats who look and talk like the high-school teachers that I used to hate, I will probably cheer along. Getting people to fight for their exploitation as if it were their liberation is often a matter of putting into words the affects others have failed to convincingly articulate into a more emancipatory project.

    The Affective Hellscape of Late Capitalism

    If we study more closely how Read applies his affective theory of ideology to work culture, we find three explanations for why workers actively desire contemporary hustle culture. Despite all reflections on the subtleties of ideology, Read firstly affirms that many workers still hate their job with a passion and would gladly quit … but at the end of the month, rent is due. Not ideological cooptation of their hopes and desires, but fear motivates their attachment to overwork. These individuals do not have any strong affinity with the work ethic, but the mute compulsion of the market forces them to endure. When people fear for their livelihoods or fear losing the social recognition that comes with having a job, they will latch on to the capitalist work ethic despite all the humiliations they suffer at work.

    Read’s second answer delves more deeply into his affective theory of ideology. He explains how mass media and popular myths about work coopt the feelings people have about their job and inflect these into passionate attachments to work for its own sake. The most obvious example is how Hollywood myths about self-made businessmen or ‘chosen ones’ inspire crowds of followers to think of themselves as entrepreneurs of their own lives. If books, movies, and tv-shows repeatedly put relatable underdogs in leading roles as chosen ones that beat all the odds to save the world, then audiences will undoubtedly start to imagine similar futures for themselves as well. A common joke about zombie movies illustrates this problem well. When watching zombie movies, people often imagine themselves in the role of the sole survivor who saves the world through impressive feats of heroism. While other people are mindless automatons, only the individual’s go-getter attitude assures survival. However, in the event of a real-life apocalypse, it is much more likely for any one of us to wander among the zombies. The film preys upon our main character syndrome to encourage narcissistic predispositions toward individualism. But any sober reflection on the apocalyptic scenario should show that egoistic survivalism is a sure route to oblivion. That emancipation more often comes from collective action rather than individual success is maneuvered beyond the frame.

    Yet the power of myth goes deeper in our working lives. Especially in careers that facilitate the joys of creative self-expression or meaningful human contact, these momentary flashes of happiness are often abused as excuses for worsening pay and working conditions. Jane, The Assistant’s protagonist, finds genuine joy in the world of movies she suddenly inhabits. But her happiness is quickly used against her. The same leveraging of joy in exchange for pain is rampant in contemporary work culture. Should unpaid interns at a fashion company really complain about grueling working hours if they get to work with genius designers? Is art not their passion? Should adjunct academics really demand a proper wage if they get to teach the theories they love to eager students? Is academia not a vocation? Should nurses really form a union and go on strike if they can meaningfully contribute to patients’ lives? Is the latter’s gratitude not payment enough?

    Read’s third and most harrowing answer is the phenomenon of negative solidarity. Sometimes workers see the suffering they have endured as a badge of honor. They allegedly deserve social recognition because they have dragged themselves to work every day and now demand compensatory respect for their pain. This is the middle manager who, because they were bullied into submission their first day on the job, must make new colleagues suffer just as much. Or the person who refuses to join a union “because we did not have collective bargaining back when I was just barely getting by”. Or the university professor who ignores rumors about a colleague’s sexual misconduct, “because we all have stories like that from when I was a grad student”. Or the exploited workers who refuse to express solidarity with striking teachers “because they get time off during the summer while we still have to work”. Negative solidarity is the living embodiment of the sunk cost fallacy. By now, people have invested so much in a losing game that they obstinately refuse to withdraw and keep on suffering more losses. Any other people with a chance at improving their lives must be violently struck down again. If I cannot have nice things, no one can. In that way, solidarity in misery is perpetuated.

    Under the aegis of negative solidarity, people give up the struggle for a better future, choose to adapt to desperate circumstances and force others to do the same. The best they can hope for is to become entirely self-reliant and cut off all ties to others. If you do not need help from anyone, then no one can ever disappoint you. In Coming Up Short, Jennifer Silva (2015) documents how millennials struck by the Great Recession rarely reacted with public outrage or political action. Apart from a few highly localized outbursts of collective action around the Occupy Wall Street movement, most millennials did not politically organize at all. They interpreted their fate as the outcome of personal trauma and singular misfortunes in their individual biographies. They deeply mistrusted social movements or collective institutions and hoped to become completely independent to pursue individual success. An excruciatingly demanding work ethic and the endurance of endless hustles were the safest route to such independence.

    Sorry to Bother You With Some Rebellion

    After approximately 200 pages, one closes The Double Shift with a feeling of despair reminiscent of Mark Fisher’s Capitalist Realism. It is easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of the capitalist work ethic. That may come as a surprise since Read himself regularly writes that resistance is possible and that workers can always fight back against their exploitation. He even ends his book’s conclusion with a discussion of Sorry to Bother You, a film that allegedly exemplifies successful resistance against the all-pervasive ideology of work. In this film, Cassius Green, a.k.a. Cash, a black low-level employee at a telemarketing company, finds sudden success when he learns how to use his ‘white voice’ to sell products. While his co-workers are striking for better working conditions, Cash increasingly focuses on his own social climbing. Even when his girlfriend and co-worker Detroit confronts him about selling slave labor over the phone, Cash rationalizes the problem away in an impressive feat of negative solidarity: “What the fuck isn’t slave labor?” (Read 2024, 200). But all ends well, in Read’s interpretation. Ultimately, Cash is confronted with the surreal abuse of his company breeding literal workhorses from human/animal hybrids. He snaps out of the ideological dream of self-centered careerism and joins the protests. According to Read, this shows that the power of imagination and surrealist revelations of exploitation still possess the potential to wake people up from their ideological slumber.

    And yet the dread remains. The last ten pages of the book do not make up for 190 pages of doom and gloom. Read’s approach suffers from a feature common in contemporary critical theory: final page redemptionism. It also affects the writings of, among others, Theodor Adorno, Giorgio Agamben, or Franco ‘Bifo’ Berardi. They first delineate in excruciating detail how instrumental rationality dominates contemporary culture, the state of exception has become the rule, or neuro-totalitarian fascism has killed off human sensibility. But then, at the very end of the book, a glimmer of hope appears. Where the danger is, also grows the saving power. A message in a bottle, tossed out at sea, can bring back reason from its hibernation. A real state of exception can render us all ungovernable. Chaosmic spasms of exhaustion will give birth to new rhythms of life. These redemption arcs are, however, usually cut short too soon. While the oppressive reality of the status quo is disclosed in its minutest details, the answers presented are mere concluding gestures.

    While despair is tempting and imagining alternative futures is hard, it is a task worth pursuing. Not only for our own sanity, but also out of responsibility for those who suffer from the injustices depicted in critical theory. Structural overwork and the epidemics of burnout, loneliness, and despair make new victims every day. Meticulously explaining how this disaster has come about and can persist, amounts to philosophical defeatism. It surrenders the social imaginary of emancipation to the status quo of capitalist realism. Theory fails to fathom an escape from current practices of domination. However, theory will take you only so far. In opposition to theoretical defeatism, Albert Camus pleads for a praxis of incessant rebellion: “Rebellion is born of the spectacle of irrationality, confronted with an unjust and incomprehensible condition. […] It insists that the outrage be brought to an end” (Camus 1991, 10). The spectacle of irrationality in always-on work culture can trigger two kinds of responses: theoretical melancholy that incisively describes how our suffering was inevitable due to ideological cooptation, or practical outrage that struggles to make it stop. Rather than theorizing about how resistance is futile and only a god can save us, rebellion emanates from a practical attitude that insists on injustice to end. In The Plague, when the epidemic has overcome the city and the protagonists fail to construct an effective response, doctor Rieux and the other inhabitants continue to develop new tactics to combat the disease. Through incessant experimenting and strategizing, they hope to find a solution. Camus writes that

    many fledgeling [sic] moralists in those days were going about our town proclaiming there was nothing to be done about it and we should bow to the inevitable. And Tarrou, Rieux, and their friends might give one answer or another, but its conclusion was always the same, their certitude that a fight must be put up, in this way or that, and there must be no bowing down. The essential thing was to save the greatest possible number of persons from dying and being doomed to unending separation. And to do this there was only one resource: to fight the plague. (Camus 2010, 128–29)

    In The Plague, the infection eventually just disappears. The collective action of doctor Rieux and his comrades had little to do with the outcome. But my argument for rebellion against quietism is not just a matter of desperately wishful thinking. Through the practical insistence of rebellion against workplace domination, alternatives can still appear where critical theory might not have expected them.

    Already in the 1960s, the Italian Marxist Romano Alquati stressed how Marxist theory tends to be excessively pessimistic about the capacities of working-class self-organization, because it fails to register the forms of ‘invisible organization’ among factory workers (Alquati 2013). This idea has recently gained new traction to explain the spontaneous protests of, for instance, Deliveroo couriers and Amazon warehouse workers (Cant 2020, 130; Delfanti 2021, 148). The answers that fail to emerge on the pages of philosophical texts, often arise unexpectedly in material practices. Resistance to the capitalist work ethic is taking place in the workspace almost all the time, though it often stays just under the radar as a weapon of the weak. Workers go more often to the bathroom than their bladders can justify, they steal office equipment at an alarming pace, they hold secret meetings on the job about the Israel/Palestine conflict, and union activism in the United States is at an all-time high. I am not saying that global emancipation is just around the corner, but a complete theory of ideology should be able to explain the successes of the oppressed just as convincingly as their defeats.

    New emancipatory tactics are constantly being invented. Oftentimes, the protest movements that seem to have failed or that did not deliver the revolutionary salvation hoped for, become the incubation hubs for novel experimental initiatives. After the 2015 Nuits Debout protests in Paris, for example, IT specialists wanted to directly combat the exploitative practices of food-delivery platforms like Deliveroo and Uber Eats. They developed software for a cooperative food-delivery platform and have since founded CoopCycle, an international federation of food-delivery couriers across the globe. While Deliveroo and others pressure couriers toward overwork via surreptitious and opaque algorithmic management, CoopCycle’s app opts for human dispatching so that a human manager determines whether or not tasks are doable for couriers. After the Occupy Wall Street protests, Michelle Miller, Jess Kutch and others developed the online tool Coworker.org, with which workers can propose and discuss issues for collective action at work. Coworker.org has, for instance, been instrumental in mobilizing Starbucks workers, first for relatively small-scale actions, like demanding updates on dress code policy. But meanwhile, these small-scale successes have paved the way for large-scale collective action at Starbucks. Every struggle, even those that ostensibly fail, build up a reservoir of invisible organizational power that can be reignited in novel forms at a later date.

    Do You Hear the People Sing?

    A good theory of ideology should not only explain how dominant institutions coopt popular desires and integrate them into the reproduction of the status quo. It should also highlight the invisible organizations that silently subvert or retool ruling discourses to further oppositional interests. Ideology is not just a matter of unilateral cooptation or neutralization, but also of struggle and negotiation. The ideology of work is not just an expression of one-way workplace domination, but is also a stake in a struggle over who controls the labor process. Stuart Hall once called these tactics of ideological resistance ‘cultures of survival’ (Hall 2016, 187). Even in their darkest days, the oppressed are never entirely defeated or coopted into a dominant ideology. They rather continuously negotiate with dominant ideologies to expand their interstitial freedoms. In the cracks of the system, the oppressed struggle for room to breathe.

    Hall’s prime example was the Afro-American black slaves’ reinvention of Christianity as a subversive ideology. One could dismiss religion as yet another ideological state apparatus geared toward the cooptation of people’s lived experiences. Slave-owners had originally preached Christianity among the slaves to encourage obedient submission, but the slaves themselves negotiated for another interpretation. They took the Christian religion of their oppressors to give voice to their suffering and hope of liberation. While the slave-owners’ religion attempted to articulate slaves’ affective experiences into an ethic of voluntary obedience, slaves’ counter-articulation of these affects gave birth to a more combative ethos. Instead of Matthew’s “Blessed are the meek” or Saint-Paul’s exhortation for slaves to consider themselves free in the Lord, the black slaves turned to Moses and his call for liberation from bondage. It gave birth to a rich musical tradition of Afro-American gospel and blues, in which the sorrows, anger, and hope of slaves’ lived experience were put into words in opposition to the status quo. As Hall perceived, “suddenly, you could hear this traditional religious music and language – a part of the dominant culture – being subverted rhythmically from underneath” (Hall 2016, 198).

    In The Black Atlantic, Paul Gilroy takes up Hall’s suggestion for a more elaborate study of the history of black music. Popular music has been famously criticized as a culture industry that neutralizes resistant affects among the people with soothing bedtime songs of comfort. But Gilroy notes, among others, the development of call-and-response motifs in black music as a formal weapon of the weak to democratically take back control over the discourses narrating their lives:

    There is a democratic, communitarian moment enshrined in the practice of antiphony, which symbolizes and anticipates (but does not guarantee) new, non-dominating social relationships. Lines between self and other are blurred and special forms of pleasure are created as a result of the meetings and conversations that are established between one fractured, incomplete, and unfinished racial self and others. Antiphony is the structure that hosts these essential encounters. (Gilroy 2022, 79)

    Ideological cooptation emerges from the ruling class’s ideological narratives translating the affective, lived experience of oppression into subjectivities that support the status quo. Yet counter-hegemonic tactics, like the antiphonies of black music, facilitate a democratic remaking of these ideological subjectivities. The oppressed learn to experience the joy and pleasures of a culture built on communitarian solidarity through the singing of the black diaspora.

    One still recognizes this practice in songs like Kendrik Lamar’s “Alright,” the unofficial anthem of the US Black Lives Matter movement. With Lamar’s verses rapping about anti-black discrimination and police brutality, Pharell Williams’s chorus sounds like a vox populi evangelizing “We gon’ be alright”. The song reached mainstream international acclaim in 2015, when Lamar performed it at the BET Awards on top of a graffitied police car. Protesters in Cleveland had also sung the chorus to celebrate their successful struggle to prevent the police illicitly arresting a 14-year-old black boy. The video of this incident went viral online, further solidifying the song’s status as articulation of Afro-American lived experience of police violence. We could dismiss this as just another cooptation of popular desires into the business strategy of a culture industry avid to make money from the lived experience of the poor and oppressed. However, such reductionism does little justice to what the song has actually meant to BLM protestors. In the verses, Lamar reflects on how fame and money are luring him into a deal with the devil that can only end in depression and “going cray”. These temptations are, however, just the new “forty acres and a mule” promised to black people to coopt their desires into complacency with a social system that routinely brutalizes and kills black men and can easily destroy even powerful individuals like Lamar himself. These apocalyptic contemplations are interspersed with an uplifting chorus that asserts confidence in the future (“We gon’ be alright”). While such confidence can easily be mistaken for naïve optimism, a more truthful reading offers it as a battle cry. A politically articulated ‘We’ senses itself strong enough to make sure that everything is going to be alright. This song does not articulate yet another “Blessed are the meek”, but an oppositional “Let my people go”.

    If we listen for similar statements among anti-work anthems, we could cross the ocean of Gilroy’s Black Atlantic and focus on Belgian artist Stromae’s break-out song Alors on danse. When asked about why he wrote this song about nightclubs, he responded, “for me [the most melancholic places] are nightclubs, because arguably they entertain a kind of false euphoria. One says one goes to a nightclub to have a good time. […] Because if you did not have a good time, it was not a successful night-out. […] These are people who live otherwise normal lives and I would hence argue that wherever there is extreme joy, there must also be extreme sadness” (Burnett 2017, 81 my translation). The clubbers’ manic oscillation between exhilaration and depression takes shape in the dialogue between the song’s verses and chorus. The verses document the drudgeries of everyday working life:

    Qui dit proches te dit deuils

    Car les problèmes ne viennent pas seuls

    Qui dit crise te dit monde

    Dit famine, dit tiers-monde

    Et qui dit fatigue dit réveil

    Encore sourd de la veille

    Alors on sort pour oublier tous les problèmes.

    With this call for escapism in response to mourning, crisis, famine, and exhaustion, the upbeat chorus commences “Alors on danse” (“So one dances”). It’s interesting to note Stromae’s choice for the impersonal pronoun ‘on’ (one) instead of the more personal ‘nous’ (we). He does not sing that “we dance” on the weekend to forget our troubles but that “one dances” to deal with one’s issues. Even the joy of dancing is no longer a lived experience we could call our own. In contrast to Lamar’s articulate We, Stromae documents the alienation of a fragmented One. Dancing at the club is just another motion one goes through as “mere living accessory of [capital’s] machinery” (Marx 2005, 693). The impersonal pronoun articulates the alienation of an existence lived on repeat, a cynical struggle to make it until the weekend so one can binge-drink as self-administered therapy. At least then, one can party one’s misery away until Monday morning, when the ordeal starts all over again and the drunken memory of past joys has receded into oblivion. Stromae articulates the despair of an unsustainable culture built on exploitative work, yet he attacks any notion that work and exploitation would constitute our liberation. Rather than articulating and coopting our dreams and desires into an ideological narrative that identifies empowerment with more work, Alors on danse explicitly dispels any myths about our dream careers. Work is nothing but five days of drudgery so one can pay rent and drink alcohol to forget. Stromae takes up the reality of always-on work culture and presents it in its grimmest grayest colors. Rather than massaging our lived experience into compliance with the status quo, the back-and-forth rhythm between verses and chorus highlights the stark contrast between our lived experience and the meagre coping mechanisms society offers. By laying bare the contradictions of the capitalist work ethic, the music might one day stop.

    What distinguishes the approach to ideology inspired by Hall and Gilroy from Read’s is that the latter mostly focuses on how ideologies coopt the perspective of the oppressed to subsequently make it serve the oppressors’ interests. Gilroy and Hall are certainly no strangers to this analysis, but their focus is on culture and ideology as matters of struggle. The oppressed frequently corrupt the ideological refrains of their oppressors and use it against their masters. In music, for example, the oppressed articulate weapons of the weak that expose the drudgeries of work and the injustices of social domination. The music industry, in that regard, is not just an ideological state apparatus to functionally reproduce the status quo. It is an arena of negotiation, where marginalized cultures struggle to articulate their lived experiences. The affective hellscape of contemporary capitalism hits hardest in the contradictory call-and-response dynamics of Alright or Alors on danse. It is by renegotiating the dominant ideologies’ attempts at cooptation that the oppressed increase their interstitial freedoms. As Hall concludes, “the conditions within which people are able to construct subjective possibilities and new political subjectivities for themselves are not simply given in the dominant system. They are won in the practices of articulation which produce them” (Hall 2016, 206).

    Tim Christiaens is assistant professor of economic ethics and philosophy at Tilburg University in the Netherlands. His research focuses on critical theory and the digitalization of work, neoliberalism, and the power of financial markets. He is the author of Digital Working Livespublished with Rowman & Littlefield in 2022, and has published papers in Theory, Culture & Society, European Journal of Social Theoryand Big Data & Society.

    References

    Alquati, Romano. 2013. ‘Struggle at FIAT’. Translated by Evan Calder Williams. Viewpoint Magazine. 26 September 2013. https://viewpointmag.com/2013/09/26/struggle-at-fiat-1964/.

    Burnett, Joanne. 2017. ‘Why Stromae Matters: Dance Music as a Master Class for the Social Issues of Our Time’. The French Review 91 (1): 79–92.

    Camus, Albert. 1991. The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt. New York: Vintage Books.

    ———. 2010. The Plague. London: Penguin Books.

    Cant, Callum. 2020. Riding for Deliveroo: Resistance in the New Economy. Cambridge: Polity Press.

    Delfanti, Alessandro. 2021. The Warehouse: Workers and Robots at Amazon. London: Pluto Press.

    Gilroy, Paul. 2022. The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness. London: Verso.

    Hall, Stuart. 2016. Cultural Studies 1983. Durham: Duke University Press.

    ———. 2019. Essential Essays: Vol. 1. Durham: Duke University Press.

    Marx, Karl. 1992. Capital: Vol. 3. Translated by David Fernbach. London: Penguin.

    ———. 1996. Capital: Vol. 1. Translated by Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling. London: Lawrence & Wishart.

    ———. 2005. Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy. Translated by Martin Nicolaus. London: Penguin Books.

    Read, Jason. 2024. The Double Shift: Spinoza and Marx on the Politics and Ideology of Work. London: Verso.

    Silva, Jennifer. 2015. Coming up Short: Working-Class Adulthood in an Age of Uncertainty. Oxford: Oxford University Press.